Suchergebnisse

The article focuses on the interconnectedness of foreign policy environments to explain Slovenia's opportunities and constraints for foreign policy action. During the period of pre-independence para-diplomacy, the building of an internal and external domestic environment successfully turned constraints (no international recognition) into opportunities (applying for membership of European and global intergovernmental organizations). In the second period — post-recognition — considering the absence of a strategic foreign policy document, the Slovenian internal foreign policy environment became a major constraint to seize foreign environment opportunities. This affected Slovenia's accomplishments, notably after NATO and EU memberships were achieved in 2004. Although the Slovenian internal environment matured during the following period to adopt, in 2015, a comprehensive foreign policy strategy the recent turn in world politics (especially the European financial and economic crisis and the migration crisis) created for the first time a foreign environment for Slovenia that offered many fewer opportunities and far more constraints. ; The article focuses on the interconnectedness of foreign policy environments to explain Slovenia's opportunities and constraints for foreign policy action. During the period of pre-independence para-diplomacy, the building of an internal and external domestic environment successfully turned constraints (no international recognition) into opportunities (applying for membership of European and global intergovernmental organizations). In the second period — post-recognition — considering the absence of a strategic foreign policy document, the Slovenian internal foreign policy environment became a major constraint to seize foreign environment opportunities. This affected Slovenia's accomplishments, notably after NATO and EU memberships were achieved in 2004. Although the Slovenian internal environment matured during the following period to adopt, in 2015, a comprehensive foreign policy strategy the recent turn in world politics (especially the European financial and economic crisis and the migration crisis) created for the first time a foreign environment for Slovenia that offered many fewer opportunities and far more constraints.

Rodni režim Europske unije je distinktivan režim specifične geneze, osebujnih pravila i kompleksnih procedura. Javne politike koje mu pripadaju čine portfelj rodne jednakosti država članica i kandidatkinja. Nužno je stoga biti upućen u njihov sadržaj, ali i povijest. U članku se analizira kompleksni nastanak politike rodne jednakosti obilježen političkim borbama oko suprotstavljenih vizija jednakosti, utjecajima drugih međunarodnih režima te internim institucionalnim sukobima. Glavno je pitanje: kako se u posljednjih šezdeset godina razvijala politika rodne jednakosti EU-a te kakve su njene ocjene i projekcije za njenu budućnost? U odgovaranju na ovo pitanje koriste se originalni javnopolitički dokumenti EU-a, kao i uvidi bogate literature iz politologijskog područja roda i politike. Članak se zaključuje uvidom kako nakon pola stoljeća razvoja, koji je bio obilježen epizodama javnopolitičkih inovacija (u kojima EU nije bila puka sljedbenica, već dapače predvodnica napretka na globalnoj sceni), dolazi do zabrinjavajućeg zastoja u formulaciji i implementaciji politike rodne jednakosti. ; Gender regime of the European Union is a distinctive regime characterized by a specific genesis, particular rules and complex procedures. Public policies belonging to the regime represent the gender equality portfolio of member states and candidate countries. It is, therefore, essential to be familiar with their content, as well as their history. The paper analyses the complex creation of the gender equality policy, marked by political conflicts over opposing visions of equality, influence of other international regimes and internal institutional conflicts. The main question is the following: how has gender equality policy developed in the last sixty years, how is it evaluated and what are the projections for its future? In order to address this question, original EU public policy documents are used, as well as insights from rich literature covering the politological aspect of gender and politics. The paper ends with a conclusion that after half a century of development, marked by episodes of public policy innovation (in which the EU was not a mere follower, but rather a leader of progress on the global scene), there is a worrying stagnation in the formulation and implementation of gender equality policy.

Model novog javnog menadžmenta sadrži javne politike za tržišno usmjerene institucionalne reforme. Zemlje koje su primijenile ovaj model općenito su među prvih dvadeset na globalnim ljestvicama vezanima uz ljudski razvoj, ljudsku slobodu, ekonomsku slobodu, lakoću poslovanja, deregulaciju tržišta, konkurentnost, antikorupcijsku transparentnost i liberalnu demokraciju. Dok su nordijske zemlje uvele vanjsko ugovaranje usluga (outsourcing) i tržišno natjecanje unutar svojih sustava države blagostanja, a Njemačka se snažno usmjerila na privatizacije, anglosaksonske zemlje, a posebice Sjedinjene Države, ugovaraju čak i dijelove nacionalne sigurnosti s privatnim vojnim i obavještajnim pružateljima. Međutim, model novog javnog menadžmenta ne zanemaruje ulogu države, već potiče njezino smanjivanje i otvaranje za tržišno natjecanje, privatizaciju, deregulaciju i transparentnost. Dok je Novi javni menadžment uključiv prema zajednicama i tržištima, primjena ovog modela može poboljšati institucije i upravljanje stvaranjem pretežito horizontalnih struktura, koje osiguravaju veze među različitim dijelovima organizacije i koherentan okvir javnih politika. U konačnici, reforme javnog upravljanja ovise o kritičkom razmišljanju, temeljem multidisciplinarne ekspertize, koja doprinosi inovativnim i inkluzivnim institucijama usmjerenim na rješavanje problema, s dovoljnom razinom građanskih vrlina i društvenog povjerenja. ; The New Public Management model contains public policies for market-driven institutional reforms. Countries that applied this model are generally among the TOP 20 in global rankings concerning human development, human freedom, economic freedom, ease of doing business, market deregulation, competitiveness, anti-corruption transparency and liberal democracy. While the Nordic countries introduced outsourcing and competition within their welfare systems, and Germany strongly focused on privatizations, the Anglo-Saxon countries, and especially the United States, outsource even parts of their national security to private military and intelligence contractors. However, the New Public Management model does not undermine the role of government, but encourages its downsizing and opening for competition, privatization, deregulation and transparency. While the New Public Management is inclusive toward communities and markets, the application of the model can improve institutions and governance by creating predominantly horizontal structures, which ensure connections between different parts of organization and coherent public policy framework. Finally, public management reforms depend on critical thinking, based on the multidisciplinary expertise, which contributes to innovative and inclusive problem-solving institutions, with sufficient level of civic virtues and social trust.

Osnovni je cilj ovog rada utvrditi potencijalno učinkovit smjer razvoja politike razvojne suradnje Republike Hrvatske kao države članice Europske unije i države donatora. Radom se predlaže praćenje globalnih i europskih trendova razvoja te politike primjenom modela delegirane razvojne suradnje kojim je moguće ostvarivati vlastite ciljeve i stjecati koristi ne upotrebljavajući isključivo vlastita nacionalna sredstva i resurse, nego podjelom donatorskih aktivnosti, uz ekspertize i resurse svih uključenih donatora te istodobno ostvarivanje učinkovitih rezultata. Imajući u vidu ograničene financijske resurse za provedbu te politike te preuzete obveze primarno spram Europske unije, provedena analiza u radu ukazuje na model delegirane razvojne suradnje kao na moguće strateško opredjeljenje Republike Hrvatske u provedbi predmetne politike u idućem razdoblju. Holistički pristup razvoju te politike, specijalizacija za određena područja djelovanja te integracija s drugim donatorima identificirani su kao predstojeći izazovi za Republiku Hrvatsku, a ujedno i kao preduvjeti primjene modela delegirane razvojne suradnje. ; The main aim of this study is to determine possible strategic guidance for increasing the effectiveness of implementing the development cooperation policy in the Republic of Croatia, bearing in mind its membership of the European Union and the fact that, since 2011, the Republic of Croatia has been officially classified as an international donor. Thus, taking into consideration the limited financial resources available for the implementation of this policy, the analysis in this study proposes a model of delegated cooperation as a possible strategic commitment on the part of the Republic of Croatia in policy implementation in the coming period. The delegated cooperation model should be considered in the context of the Republic of Croatia's meeting its commitments towards the European Union and the global donor community, as well as guidance for alignment with current global donor trends in policy implementation. Furthermore, it should be seen as beneficial in terms of achieving the visibility of the Republic of Croatia as a donor country, its proliferation through comparative advantage, and the withdrawal of European Union funds in order to achieve its own benefits and ultimate fulfillment of global development goals. In order to achieve this, structural changes should be introduced regarding the necessary political commitments and appropriate institutional and procedural reforms. In this respect, the need to introduce changes in the existing political system of the Republic of Croatia should be considered.

Rad analizira vanjsku politiku Sjedinjenih Američkih Država u mandatu 45. predsjednika Donalda Trumpa, točnije u periodu od 2017. – 2021.g. Glavno istraživačko pitanje propituje u kojoj mjeri su kontroverzne odluke i nepredvidivi potezi predsjednika utjecale na položaj SAD-a u međunarodnim odnosima. Temeljna pretpostavka je da su upravo nepredvidivost, ishitrenost i često neprofesionalnost američkog predsjednika šokirale međunarodnu arenu te oslabile položaj SAD-a. S obzirom na kompleksnost teme u ovome radu neće se analizirati sve vanjskopolitičke odluke jer to iziskuje puno veći prostor već će se analizirati samo odluke koje su najviše utjecale na promjenu položaja SAD-a. ; The paper analyzes the foreign policy of the United States during the mandate of the 45th president Donald Trump, more precisely from 2017 till 2021. The main question is whether and if so how much influence did the controversial decisions and unpredictable moves done by the president have on the position of the United States in international relations. The main hypothesis is that the unpredictable, rash and unprofessional decisions and actions of the American president have shocked the global international arena and therefore have weakened the US position in it. Due to the complexity of the subject, the paper does not analyze all foreign policies of president Trump but instead it focuses on actions that had the greatest impact on the US position in the international order.

U okviru borbe protiv negativnih posljedica globalne financijske krize iz 2008. godine Europska središnja banka (ECB) je pored tradicionalnih instrumenta monetarne politike u svrhu oporavka gospodarstva relativno rano počela provoditi i nestandardne mjere. Istodobno nakon krize dolazi do intenzivnog proučavanja makroprudencijalne politike i implementiranje njenih instrumenata. S druge strane, HNB je koristio makroprudencijalne instrumente i prije krize, međutim prvu nestandardnu mjeru monetarne politike implementirao je u ožujku 2020. Provedenim istraživanjem potvrdilo se kako je provedba monetarne politike i implementacija nestandardnih mjera pozitivno utjecala na oporavak gospodarstva. Analiza s primjenom deskriptivne statistike na razini EU pokazala je kako postoji značajna negativna korelacija između monetarnih agregata i stope nezaposlenosti. Provedena analiza u Hrvatskoj također pokazuje statistički značajnu negativnu korelaciju između ponude novca i stope nezaposlenosti. Međutim, analizirajući na razini EU i RH M2 monetarni agregat umanjen za novčanu masu M1 i stopu nezaposlenosti, vidljiva je jaka pozitivna korelacija, što znači da povećavanje štednje dovodi do porasta stope nezaposlenosti. Odnosi između inflacije i duga u BDP-u s ostalim varijablama su statistički nesignifikantni, kako na razini EU tako i u RH. ; As part of the fight against the negative consequences of the 2008 global financial crisis, the European Central Bank (ECB), in addition to traditional monetary policy instruments for the purpose of economic recovery, began to implement non-standard measures relatively early. At the same time, after the crisis, there is an intensive study of macroprudential policy and the implementation of its instruments. On the other hand, the Croatian National Bank (CNB) used macroprudential instruments even before the crisis, but the first non-standard monetary policy measure was implemented in March 2020. Proven research confirmed that the implementation of monetary policy and the implementation of non-standard measures had a positive impact on economic recovery. An analysis using descriptive statistics at EU level showed that there is a significant negative correlation between monetary aggregates and the unemployment rate. The conducted analysis in Croatia also shows a statistically significant negative correlation between the money supply and the unemployment rate. However, analyzing at the EU and Croatian level M2 the monetary aggregate reduced by the money supply M1 and the unemployment rate, a strong positive correlation is visible, which means that the increase in savings leads to an increase in the unemployment rate. The relations between inflation and debt in GDP with other variables are statistically insignificant both at the EU level and in the Republic of Croatia.

In this article, the author suggests that in recent years climate change is gravely affecting the stability of the international order. The reason is not only the recklessness of the industrial sector as a source polluter, but also the lack of political will in drafting a global blueprint for creating a unique international climate regime. Even though the effects of climate change are getting worse each year, the selfish interests of states, the realpolitik in foreign policy and anarchy dominate international relations, thus representing an obstacle to creating an international climate regime. The author examines ways to overcome these obstacles to international institutionalization of climate issues by introducing three IR theory perspectives: realist, rationalist and idealist. The synthesis of these three perspectives is that the international climate regime should be decentralized; its legal acts should be drafted from inter-state agreements on specific issues, while its principles should be incorporated to the already existing international legal acts. Adapted from the source document.

Nasuprot shvaćanjima o energetskoj politici kao funkcionalno-tehničkom problemu, ili na drugoj strani, kao borbe između materijalističkih i postmaterijalističkih vrijednosnih obrazaca u industrijskom, odnosno postindustrijskom društvu, ovaj rad dokazuje sljedeće hipoteze: a) u korijenu današnjih energetskih problema leže konflikti oko raspodjele, b) vrijednosti o kojima se radi, čak i na području zaštite okoline, materijalističke su naravi, c) razlike u energetskoj politici Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Zapadne Njemačke mogu se objasniti različitim obrascima raspodjele, a težište im je u različitim vrednotama proizašlim iz razlika između industrijskih i demografskih struktura, te geološkog bogatstva, d) energetska politika, a posebno izbor pravca fleksibilne »soft energy«, može se uspješno provoditi nastajanjem »pobjedničke koalicije« poklanjanjem dovoljno pažnje pitanjima raspodjele koja su u to uključena. Zaokrete k fleksibilnoj energetskoj politici autor veže uz pokrete za zaštitu okoline i programe novih energetskih projekata na lokalnoj razini i razini globalnog društva. Na taj način, zaključuje se, »energetski sindrom« i redistributivni konflikti ne moraju biti uzroci dublje političke i društvene dezorganizacije. ; As opposed to the notion of energy policy as a functional-technical issue, and — on the other hand — as a struggle between materialistic and post-materialistic value patterns in the industrial and post-industrial society, the article is arguing the following hypotheses: (1) distributional conflicts represent the roots of the contemporary energy problems, (2) the values involved, even in the field of environmental protection, are of a materialistic nature, (3) the differences in energy policies of the United States and Western Germany can be explained by different distributional patterns, having as their core divergent values stemming from differences between industrial and demographic structures and geological resources, (4) the energy policy, especially the choice of the path of flexible »soft-energy «, can be successfully implemented by the emergence of a »winning coalition« which takes sufficient account of the distributional issues involved. Switches toward flexible energy policies are, according to the author, tied to activities of movements for environmental protection and to programs of new energy projects on the local level and on the global societal level. In such a manner, it is concluded, the »energy syndrome« and redistributional conflicts are not necessarily causes of a profound political and societal disorganization.

The criticism levelled at the American foreign policy revolves around three lines of objections. The first is that the US lacks a global vision of its role in the international arena. The second line of criticism refers to the limitations of the domestic context, ie, the rise of isolationist tendencies & aspirations in the American society. The third group includes perhaps the most serious developments, since they find their rationale in the institutional solutions of the American foreign policy, particularly in the claims about the restricted foreign policy capacities of the American executive. Adapted from the source document.

Following the disintegration of the socialist system in Europe & the end of the bloc-based relations, American politics has changed the course of its operation. In present-day circumstances, southeast Europe is becoming increasingly prominent in American foreign policy projections, particularly during Clinton's administration. Clinton has defined a clear-cut policy towards Europe's southeast due to its vicinity to certain neuralgic points of American engagement (Near East, the Caspian region, the Gulf, eastern Mediterranean). In this way American politics has proved its leading global role. At the time of scarcity of foreign policy events, Clinton's team has thus been served on a platter a major foreign policy arena, in which its engagement -- which has all the symptoms of a long-lasting one -- has not proved too costly. Adapted from the source document.

As Croatia prepares for membership in the EU (most likely in 2013), its foreign policy is in a need of re-conceptualisation. In the first 20 years of its independence (declared in 1991), Croatian foreign policy has been through three different phases. Each of them was focused on one single objective. The three objectives that have marked three distinguished phases of Croatian foreign policy were: 1) international recognition of its statehood; 2) territorial re-integration and 3) membership in NATO and the EU. When (and if) it joins the EU, the country will have to change its single-objective based foreign policy for a multiple-objectives foreign policy approach. It will have to take into consideration a whole set of new issues, some of which will be global in character. In addition, it will need to harmonise its own priorities with those of other EU member-states. The article focuses on options that are available to foreign-policy decision-makers when they wish to re-orientate the foreign policy of a country. In particular, the author looks at the options available to small states and small powers. The outcome of the process will be influenced by the size and ambitions of the country, as well as by internal political and ideological dynamics in Croatian politics, which would need to become better harmonised with political trends in the EU. The author approaches foreign policy decision-making as a dynamic process in which ideas and values matter. For that reason, he focuses not only on interaction between states but also interaction between three main party families within the European context: 1) Liberals, 2) Conservatives and 3) Socialists. In particular, he looks at the differences they have on two main issues for the future of the EU: 1) further enlargement of the EU and 2) global ambitions of the EU. The article is drawing on contemporary literature on foreign policy of small states and small powers. It argues that Croatia needs more strategic thinking in order to make best use of new opportunities. Adapted from the source document.

The author sets forth & comments on the provocative argument by Charles Tilly in Globalization Threatens Labor's Rights (1995). Tilly's argument focuses on the problems ensuing from the emergence of global economy. He claims that global capitalism represents a challenge to the importance of national states. Labor rights are protected at the level of national states; consequently, the process jeopardizing national states also threatens the rights they protect. The most intriguing part of Tilly's theory is the link between labor rights & democracy. He wants to show how the process of the democratization of the European national states went "hand in hand" with the struggle for labor rights. Workers were potential voters, & their movement insisted on democratization. Labor rights & democracy were linked during their rise & will be linked in their fall. The breakdown of labor rights is the first sign of the breakdown of the Western-type liberal democracies. The author shows how Tilly's exhortation hurts the postsocialist countries more than the functional Western-type national states. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author sets forth & comments on the provocative argument by Charles Tilly in Globalization Threatens Labor's Rights (1995). Tilly's argument focuses on the problems ensuing from the emergence of global economy. He claims that global capitalism represents a challenge to the importance of national states. Labor rights are protected at the level of national states; consequently, the process jeopardizing national states also threatens the rights they protect. The most intriguing part of Tilly's theory is the link between labor rights & democracy. He wants to show how the process of the democratization of the European national states went "hand in hand" with the struggle for labor rights. Workers were potential voters, & their movement insisted on democratization. Labor rights & democracy were linked during their rise & will be linked in their fall. The breakdown of labor rights is the first sign of the breakdown of the Western-type liberal democracies. The author shows how Tilly's exhortation hurts the postsocialist countries more than the functional Western-type national states. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.

Završetkom Hladnog rata otvorio se prostor za razvoj odnosa u međunarodnoj zajednici koji pogoduju stvaranju globalnog partnerstva. Iako članak 5. ostaje brand Saveza, nužno je moderniziranje odnosa na relaciji SAD – EU, kao i s ostalim važnim čimbenicima međunarodnih odnosa poput UN-a, OESS-a, Rusije, ali i Kine. Kako su se mijenjali međunarodni odnosi, tako je i Sjevernoatlantski savez tijekom desetljeća svog postojanja prošao različite faze razvoja – od Hladnog rata do pokušaja stvaranja globalnog partnerstva. Djelujući globalno, nameće se potreba za jasnijim definiranjem legitimnosti operacija izvan prostora država članica sukladno međunarodnom pravu. U tom smislu članci 4. i 7. Ugovora dobivaju posebno značenje. Zapravo, imajući u vidu jedinu preostalu misiju tzv. tradicionalnog Saveza u Europi, Lisabonski samit predstavlja velik korak u pravcu završetka NATO-ove vlastite posthladnoratovske tranzicije, ali i doprinos daljnjem procesu izgradnje mira i povjerenja u Jugoistočnoj Europi. ; The end of the Cold War opened the space for developing new relationships in the international community that are conducive to creating global partnerships. Although Article 5 remains the brand of NATO, it is necessary to modernize the relationship between the U.S. and the EU as well as with other important actors in international relations such as the UN, OSCE, Russia and China. With changed international relations through past sixty years, the North Atlantic Alliance has changed itself simultaneously over decades. The Alliance passed through different stages of its own development – from the Cold War era to attempting to create a global partnership. Acting globally, there is a need for defining the legitimate operations outside the territory of Member States under International law. In this sense, Articles 4 and 7 have a special meaning. In fact, bearing in mind the mission of "old" and traditional NATO, the Lisbon Summit represents a major step toward completion of NATO's post-Cold War transition, but also contributes to the process of building long-lasting peace and confidence in Southeast Europe.

As Croatia prepares for membership in the EU (most likely in 2013), its foreign policy is in a need of re-conceptualisation. In the first 20 years of its independence (declared in 1991), Croatian foreign policy has been through three different phases. Each of them was focused on one single objective. The three objectives that have marked three distinguished phases of Croatian foreign policy were: 1) international recognition of its statehood; 2) territorial re-integration and 3) membership in NATO and the EU. When (and if) it joins the EU, the country will have to change its single-objective based foreign policy for a multiple-objectives foreign policy approach. It will have to take into consideration a whole set of new issues, some of which will be global in character. In addition, it will need to harmonise its own priorities with those of other EU member-states. The article focuses on options that are available to foreign-policy decision-makers when they wish to re-orientate the foreign policy of a country. In particular, the author looks at the options available to small states and small powers. The outcome of the process will be influenced by the size and ambitions of the country, as well as by internal political and ideological dynamics in Croatian politics, which would need to become better harmonised with political trends in the EU. The author approaches foreign policy decision-making as a dynamic process in which ideas and values matter. For that reason, he focuses not only on interaction between states but also interaction between three main party families within the European context: 1) Liberals, 2) Conservatives and 3) Socialists. In particular, he looks at the differences they have on two main issues for the future of the EU: 1) further enlargement of the EU and 2) global ambitions of the EU. The article is drawing on contemporary literature on foreign policy of small states and small powers. It argues that Croatia needs more strategic thinking in order to make best use of new opportunities. Adapted from the source document.