The aim of the article is to present, based on theoretical studies of integration, the evolution of this process in Latin America and, most recently, in South America. Based on these studies, the goal is to analyze the role played by Brazil in the process, which defines as priorities of its foreign policy a regional and global framework for its international action that is based on both cooperation and power projection.The research has been conducted based on theories of integration, an historical background on Latin American integration and in Brazilian foreign policy, through its contemporary agenda. The answer was based on a comparative agenda and in a bibliographical critical analysis of the research material.The main findings of the paper point out that Latin American integration has specific features linked to the economic, political and stragetic realities of the continent that show the limitations of some theories applied to the European process, also that it depends on Brazilian foreign policy actions, that still sees the region as instrumental to its interests. So, Brazil sometimes fail to fulfill some requisites of integration that are essential to sustain its projects. Therefore, there is a cycle of enlargement and deepening of regional integration process in this political space that point out to the need of a more sustained compromise of Brazilian foreign policy towards these projects. If Brazil continues not to sustain these projects, they will lose momentum and significance once more, increasing power asymmetries in the region.
A crise global que entrou em erupção em 2007 levou muitos países a embarcar em políticas fiscais anticíclicas como forma de amortecer o golpe de uma demanda agregada deprimida. Os defensores de medidas discricionárias enfatizam que a política fiscal pode realmente estimular a economia. O principal objetivo deste trabalho é avaliar se as políticas fiscais seguidas pelo governo brasileiro após a crise de 2008 conseguiram retomar a economia de forma sustentável. Para este fim, os multiplicadores fiscais de cinco diferentes choques são estudados em uma pequena economia aberta. Nossos resultados apontam para o gasto público e para o investimento público como os instrumentos fiscais mais eficazes para combater a crise. No entanto, o multiplicador fiscal mais elevado acabou por ser o associado a reduções de impostos sobre consumo. ; The global crisis that erupted in 2007 led many countries to embark on countercyclical fiscal policies as a way to cushion the blow of a depressed aggregate demand. Advocates of discretionary measures emphasize that fiscal policy can indeed stimulate the economy. The main goal of this work is to assess whether the fiscal policies pursued by the Brazilian government in the aftermath of the 2008 crisis, succeeded in bringing the economy back on track in a sustainable fashion. To this end, the fiscal multipliers of five different shocks are studied in a small open-economy New Keynesian framework. Our results point to the government spending and public investment as the most effective fiscal tools for combating the crisis. However, the highest fiscal multiplier turned out to be the one associated with excise tax reductions.
The agroecology does not yet provide tools and analysis criteria to develop local and regional strategies, where political and institutional aspects play a key role. This article aims to contribute to overcoming these deficiencies by the theoretical foundation of how it should be Agroecology involved in politics. Family farming is the subject. It is through her that already develops agroecology, getting a transition from the model of traditional agriculture, which provides food security for an alternative model. First, it is argued that, as a socio-ecological construction, agro-ecosystems is the product of power relations. Secondly, it shows the close relationship that the dynamics of agro-ecosystems have with politics and therefore the important role they occupy in agroecological transition. Currently you can see that there is very little reflection on the politics of Agroecology. However, the range of agroecological movements and experiences that are held at different levels of both local and regional governments advise the development of political aspects of agro-ecological theory. Finally, a diagnosis attempted under the situation of global food system, in which the context of agroecological experiments must be developed.
Ilus. Tab. Bib. Sum. (En) ; Secondary forests developing on agricultural land after it is abandoned, or as the fallow period in systems of subsistence agriculture, are an increasingly important component of the forest resources of the tropics. They fix and store carbon and may contribute to the alleviation of global warming, they are refuges for biodiversity in agricultural landscapes, and they are low-cost sources of a tremendous variety of forest products. The final years of the 20th century represent an opportune time to bring together researchers concerned with biological, ecological, social/organizational, financial/economic and political aspects of secondary forests and their management, to share their experiences and opinions concerning secondary tropical forests and to contribute to the development of a forward-looking, cross-disciplinary research agenda. The conference had the following objectives: 1) to summarize the state of knowledge of tropical secondary forests from the standpoint of the ecological, social and political sciences. 2) to report the most recent results of research on secondary forests from all relevant disciplines.
This Thematic Special Issue on Policy Change and Policy Dynamics has as its main objective to present and discuss agenda setting, one of the most important issues for the study of public policies and the policy process. The agenda setting approach proposes an analytical approach on pre-decision processes to understand broader developments in public policy. To achieve that, it places the attention at the center of political action and relies on the fact that it is the change in attention that would cause, consequently, change in public policy. One of the most relevant aspects on the studies of policy agendas and policy change considers the diffusion occurred in the years 2000 with the application of its theoretical and methodological approaches to different societies and political systems beyond the United States. Consequently, another important achievement in the studies of agenda setting and policy change must be highlighted: studies of public policies in comparative perspective. Although agenda-setting studies have grown significantly in the international academic community, there are still some important points to be better explored. The intent of this Themed Special Issue of RAP is to contribute with the growing agenda-setting studies by highlighting the processes of policy changes and policy dynamics. ; Este artículo es una breve presentación del número Temático Especial sobre Cambio y Dinámica de las Políticas Públicas, cuyo principal objetivo es plantear y discutir los conceptos involucrados en el proceso de establecimiento de la agenda (agenda-setting), uno de los temas más importantes para el estudio de las políticas públicas y de su proceso (policy process). Los modelos de agenda-setting proponen enfoques analíticos de los procesos predecisorios para el análisis y comprensión de aspectos más amplios en la construcción de problemas y soluciones en las políticas públicas. Para ello, pone la atención ‒un recurso escaso‒ en el centro de la acción política, indicando que es el cambio de atención lo que, en consecuencia, provocaría cambios en las políticas públicas. Uno de los aspectos más relevantes en los estudios de agenda-setting y cambios en las políticas públicas considera la difusión global de sus estudios que se dio en la década del 2000 con la aplicación de enfoques teóricos y metodológicos a diferentes países y sistemas políticos, más allá de Estados Unidos, donde dichos modelos y teorías surgieron en las décadas de 1980 y 1990. Consecuentemente, cabe destacar otro logro importante en los estudios de establecimiento de agenda y cambio de políticas: los estudios de políticas públicas en perspectiva comparada. Aunque los estudios de establecimiento de agendas han crecido significativamente en la comunidad académica internacional, todavía quedan algunos puntos importantes por explorar más a fondo. La intención de este Número Especial es contribuir a los crecientes estudios sobre agenda-setting, destacando los procesos de cambio y la dinámica de las políticas públicas. ; Esse artigo é uma breve apresentação do número Especial Temático sobre Mudança e Dinâmicas de Políticas Públicas, que tem como objetivo principal apresentar e discutir os conceitos envolvidos no processo de agenda-setting, um dos temas mais importantes para o estudo das políticas públicas e do processo de políticas públicas (policy process). Os modelos de definição de agenda (agenda-setting) propõem abordagens analíticas sobre os processos pré-decisórios para a análise e compreensão de aspectos mais amplos na construção de problemas e soluções em políticas públicas. Para tanto, coloca a atenção, um recurso escasso, no centro da ação política, indicando que é a mudança de atenção que ocasionaria, consequentemente, mudanças em políticas públicas. Um dos aspectos mais relevantes nos estudos de agenda-setting e mudanças em políticas públicas considera a difusão global de seus estudos ocorrida nos anos 2000 com a aplicação de abordagens teóricas e metodológicas a diferentes países e sistemas políticos, para além Estados Unidos, de onde tais modelos e teorias surgiram nos anos 1980 e 1990. Consequentemente, outra conquista importante nos estudos de definição de agenda e mudança de políticas deve ser destacada: os estudos de políticas públicas em perspectiva comparada. Embora os estudos de definição de agendas tenham crescido significativamente na comunidade acadêmica internacional, ainda existem alguns pontos importantes a serem mais bem explorados. A intenção deste Número Especial, é o de contribuir com os crescentes estudos sobre agenda-setting, destacando os processos de mudanças e as dinâmicas das políticas públicas.
Turkey's role as a regional power has increased since Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power. AKP leadership not only aspired to become a regional power but also a global player. Turkey has, therefore, assumed different roles: the "natural leader" of the region; a historical "big brother;" and the "protector" of the Muslim minorities. Turkey has also assumed a "mediator" and a "facilitator" role by trying to negotiate a deal with an emerging power such as Brazil in order to attempt to resolve the controversial Iranian nuclear issue. By making use of recent developments, Turkey tried to solidify its long desired role as a "rising power" by increasing its influence in its neighborhood and engaging with other emerging powers. The concept "regional power" is a context-based notion. In other words, the location and geography are contesting and disputed approaches. Notwithstanding the fact that concepts such as "region" and "power" are social constructed reality, this paper analyzes the notion of 'regional power' as a subcategory of 'power'. In this context, this paper will make use of Stefan Schim's criteria while analyzing Turkey's power capacity in the region. Schim posits that the "regional power" needs to have a "role definition," and it should possess material power (hard power). It should also have economic as well as diplomatic and organizational capacity. Its power whether it is 'soft power' (attraction of ones idea's and or the ability to set the political agenda in a way that shapes the preferences of other actors) or 'hard power' (material power that can be measured-economic and military power) needs to be acknowledged by other actors in the region. It should also be accepted by great powers and emerging powers that are determinant in the international system. dditionally, the regional power (and/ or global power) needs to have leverage, thus its power projection needs to yield results. Kalevi Holsti's role theory will be used as theoretical framework to analyze foreign policy behavior of the AKP. The paper will, thus, seek to find out Turkey's roles.
Este texto analiza las implicaciones nocivas de la pandemia de COVID-19 para la política social como derecho de ciudadanía. Por tanto, demarca el actual sistema global de capitales, con su interminable crisis estructural, como elemento fundacional de estas implicaciones. Incorpora temas y enfoques emergentes o poco visitados, como el cambio climático, para ampliar el alcance analítico convencional y agregarle nuevas contribuciones fácticas y teóricas. En este contexto de doble crisis letal de lesa humanidad, la política social guiada por el compromiso con la satisfacción de las necesidades humanas sufre un violento retroceso: se reduce a satisfacer las necesidades de lucro del capital, volviéndose reacia a la sociabilidad democrática. ; Este texto analisa as implicações nefastas da pandemia da COVID-19 para a política social como direito de cidadania. Demarca, para tanto, o atual sistema do capital global, com sua crise estrutural interminável, como o elemento fundante dessas implicações. Incorpora temas e enfoques emergentes ou pouco visitados, como mudança climática, para ampliar o escopo analítico convencional e adensá-lo com novos aportes factuais e teóricos. Nesse contexto de dupla crise letal contra a humanidade a política social pautada pelo compromisso com a satisfação das necessidades humanas sofre violenta reversão: reduz-se a satisfazer as necessidades de lucro do capital tornando-se avessa à sociabilidade democrática. ; This text analyzes the harmful implications of the COVID-19 pandemic for social policy as a right of citizenship. Therefore, it demarcates the current global capital system, with its endless structural crisis, as the founding element of these implications. It incorporates emerging or under-visited themes and approaches, such as climate change, to broaden the conventional analytical scope and add to it with new factual and theoretical contributions. In this context of a double lethal crisis against humanity, the social policy guided by the commitment to the satisfaction of human needs, undergoes a violent reversal: it reduces itself to satisfying the needs for profit of capital, becoming averse to democratic sociability.
Este artigo examina a política nuclear das administrações de Richard Nixon e Gerald Ford, por meio da análise de fontes primárias e secundárias sobre principais fatores internacionais e domésticos que as influenciaram. Argumenta-se que as diretrizes de longo prazo da política nuclear americana foram desenvolvidas nesse período, entre 1969 e 1977. Essas diretrizes podem ser divididas em três pontos principais. O primeiro é a plurilateralização do regime de não-proliferação nuclear e restrição do fornecimento de tecnologia de dual. Isso significou encontrar alternativas para instituições multilaterais existentes, por meio de negociações bilaterais de desarmamento com a URSS e por meio da criação de arranjos plurilaterais, como o GSN. O segundo ponto foi o compartilhamento da gestão da ordem internacional com poderes regionais, de modo a criar equilíbrio de poder favorável aos EUA. A última diretriz foi o aumento da competitividade das empresas americanas via privatização do setor nuclear. Este último ponto foi viabilizado na administração da Ford, dado o fracasso da iniciativa inicial de Nixon, e levou à consolidação de estrutura burocrática capaz de evitar mudanças drásticas na política de seguridade nuclear.
