Suchergebnisse

Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanos- ti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te dati pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the corner- stones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent States. At the beginning of the 21st Century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances - the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign Investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non/governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed States«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.

Rad je posvećen analizi suvremenih fenomena pod kojima podrazumijevamo mobilnu telefoniju, društvene mreže, brendiranje mladosti, ljepote, zdravlja i sreće kroz estetizaciju tijela te drugih (anti)vrijednosti globalizacijskog konteksta i njihovih utjecaja na mlade koji značajno redefiniraju savjetodavni rad u školama. Kroz tu prizmu, globalizacija je nametnula potrebu pripremanja savjetnika (pedagoga) za rad s vrlo različitom školskom populacijom te traženje najboljeg pristupa u kompleksnom spoju suodnosa suvremenih zbivanja, mladih, odgojno-obrazovnih institucija i dinamičnog okruženja. Promišljanja novih koncepata savjetodavnog rada zahtjeva holistički pristup, posebno stoga što su pedagozi (i školski savjetnici) jedinstveno pozicionirani s obzirom na to da imaju potpuniju sliku životnih okolnosti učenika te njihovih izazova i potreba. Ovakav pristup pedagozima, odnosno savjetodavnom radu kojeg nazivaju pedagogijom životnog puta, kristalizira stavove o promjeni obrazovnih politika i promjenama u obrazovanju pedagoga kako bi oni savjetodavnim radom mogli odgovoriti na izazove globalizacijskog konteksta. ; This paper is devoted to the analysis of the contemporary phenomena, by which we mean mobile phones, social networks, branding youth, beauty, health and happiness through body aestheticization and other (anti) values in the globalization context. It also aims to analyse the impact the aforementioned phenomena have on young people who are significantly redefining counselling in schools. Through this prism, the globalization imposed the need of preparing counselors (pedagogues) to work with a varying school population and searching for the most efficient approach in the complex combination of correlation between contemporary events, youth, educational institutions and dynamic environment. Considerations of new concepts of counselling require a holistic approach, especially because pedagogues (school counsellors) are uniquely positioned since they have a more complete picture of students' life circumstances as well as the challenges they face and the needs they may have. This approach to pedagogues and counselling, also called the pedagogy of life's journey, crystallizes attitudes regarding the changes in education policies and counselors' (pedagogues') education so that they may be able to meet the challenges of the globalization context.

The world of sports is a reflection of the world of politics. It is becoming increasingly multipolar with the emerging states hosting mega sporting events. Firstly, the article problematizes the concept of multipolarity and, secondly, globalisation by questioning whether the Olympic Games reinforce national identities and promote national interests by using Olympic diplomacy as a soft power tool. In doing so, the article explores the correlation between the changes in international affairs and the hosting of and participation at the Olympic Games by emerging states such as Brazil, China and Russia. The analysis distinguishes globalisation from the role of the nation-state, by highlighting the evident differences between emerging states in terms of hosting the Games, but also takes into consideration geopolitical and geo-economic parameters. ; The world of sports is a reflection of the world of politics. It is becoming increasingly multipolar with the emerging states hosting mega sporting events. Firstly, the article problematizes the concept of multipolarity and, secondly, globalisation by questioning whether the Olympic Games reinforce national identities and promote national interests by using Olympic diplomacy as a soft power tool. In doing so, the article explores the correlation between the changes in international affairs and the hosting of and participation at the Olympic Games by emerging states such as Brazil, China and Russia. The analysis distinguishes globalisation from the role of the nation-state, by highlighting the evident differences between emerging states in terms of hosting the Games, but also takes into consideration geopolitical and geo-economic parameters.

Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanosti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te da ti pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the cornerstones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent states. At the beginning of the 21st century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances – the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non- governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed states«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.

Autorica je u radu na temelju analize prevladavajuće teme u znanstvenim radovima vodećih nacionalnih časopisa o javnoj upravi pokušala prikazati, a potom i usporediti upravne sustave Hrvatske, SAD-a, Kanade, Indije i Australije. Uvidom u tematsku strukturu časopisa pokušala je utvrditi javlja li se javna uprava u različitim državama kao sasvim različiti fenomen ili je riječ o jednakom fenomenu čija su specifična obilježja samo produkt različitih okolišnih (ekonomskih, socijalnih, povijesnih, geografskih, kulturnih, itd.) čimbenika u kojima su se ti upravni sustavi razvijali i koja su takva da omogućuju razmjenu najboljih ideja i praksi i daljnji razvoj upravnih sustava prema zajedničkom modelu. U radu se najprije opisuje istraživanje sadržaja znanstvenih časopisa o javnoj upravi kao metoda istraživanja u upravnoj znanosti. Autorica zatim izlaže tijek svog istraživanja i dobivene rezultate te konačno tumači rezultate dobivene istraživanjem. ; The paper analyses the thematic structure of scientific papers published in an American, an Australian, an Indian, a Canadian, and a Croatian journal dealing with public administration in the period 1999–2009. Based on this analysis, the administrative systems of the countries of origin are outlined and compared. The initial thesis is that the administrative systems of different countries differ because of various environmental conditions in which they have developed, but these differences are not so huge as to suggest that public administration in different countries is a completely different phenomenon. On the contrary, due to globalisation, uniqueness and divergence of various administrative systems are tending to withdraw, making room for the exchange of ideas and best practices, and to the development of national administrative systems according to a common model. The paper describes the analysis of themes as one of the research methods in administrative science and outlines some of the papers in which this method has been used. The author has analysed the results for each country individually, proceeding with an aggregate overview of thematic structures and administrative systems of the respective countries. The thematic structure of scientific papers as a copy of the studied administrative systems has shown that the USA and Australia are ideologically oriented towards economic values, as the countries of pragmatic culture, while Canada is oriented towards economic and traditional values. India can be considered to use its potentials for further development of the country, while Croatia is a country that is reforming its administrative system in accordance with democratic principles and other traditional values of the European continent. nevertheless, the research has shown that public administration core is the same in each of the analysed countries and that they are moving towards common understanding of what is an optimal organisation of public administration.

Promjenom paradigme visokoga obrazovanja (VO) u globalnom kontekstu javna se sveučilišta sve više okreću razvoju internacionalnih aktivnosti. Internacionalizacija može predstavljati komparativnu prednost sveučilišta, koja razvijena kroz specifičnu inovativnu stratešku odrednicu (nišu), može postati osnova sveučilišne politike koja se provodi i implementira u različitim policy arenama. Što je sveučilište inovativnije u izboru i razvijanju ove specifične niše, ono ima veće razvojne mogućnosti te postaje kompetitivnije. Cilj je ovoga doktorskoga rada istražiti utjecaj globalizacije na internacionalizaciju javnih europskih sveučilišta. Pritom se u glavnoj tezi rada tvrdi da se promjenom paradigme visokoga obrazovanja u globalnom kontekstu javna sveučilišta sve više okreću razvoju internacionalnih aktivnosti (npr. Knight, 2008; Teichler, 2009; Kehm, 2003; Van der Wende, 2001) ali pritom odabiru različite specifične strategije (niše) internacionalizacije, dok se u postavljenoj hipotezi kaže da razlike između nacionalnih konteksta i načina na koji države upravljaju financijskom i ekonomskom krizom utječu na razlike u strategijama internacionalizacije pojedinih javnih europskih sveučilišta. Nacionalni kontekst pritom obuhvaća različitosti u tradiciji, kulturi i povijesnoj ulozi države u kojoj sveučilište djeluje, što sve utječe na razlike u nacionalnim strategijama internacionalizacije i strategijama koje u ovom području razvijaju javna sveučilišta. Budući da u literaturi ne postoji opće prihvaćena definicija globalizacije, internacionalizacije i europeizacije u području visokoga obrazovanja, niti suglasje o njihovom međusobnom odnosu te indikatorima koji ih determiniraju, provođenju komparativne analize triju studija slučaja u svrhu istraživanja utjecaja globalizacije na internacionalizaciju javnih europskih sveučilišta u ovom je doktorskom radu prethodilo empirijsko istraživanje putem delfi metode među stručnjacima širom svijeta. Minimalne definicije triju pojmova i indikatori globalizacije i internacionalizacije u području VO-a, dobiveni empirijskim istraživanjem provedenim putem delfi metode na temelju konsenzusa među ekspertima, poslužili su kao osnova komparativne analize triju studija slučaja (tri sveučilišta – Beč, Lausanne, Granada; u trima državama – Austrija, Švicarska, Španjolska), koja je provedena na temelju istraživačkog modela posebno osmišljenog za potrebe ovoga doktorskoga rada. Na temelju uvida dobivenih komparacijom triju studija slučaja u radu je utvrđen utjecaj globalizacije na internacionalizaciju javnih europskih sveučilišta, čime je potvrđena glavna teza ovoga doktorskoga rada. Također, analizom je utvrđeno i da su različiti nacionalni sustavi VO-a i specifične VO institucije na različit način odgovorili na promjene nastale djelovanjem faktora s globalne i međunarodne razine, koje se vezuju uz zadnji val globalizacije. Sukladno tome, moguće je reći i da su različitosti u prilagodbi ovim promjenama utjecale i na različitost sveučilišnih politika internacionalizacije te na različitost strateških dokumenata koje su u ovom području razvila tri analizirana sveučilišta. S obzirom na činjenicu da se nacionalni kontekst u hipotezi vezivao uz različitosti u tradiciji, kulturi i povijesnoj ulozi države, zbog čega je u analizi trebalo provjeriti je li moguće utvrditi poveznice između specifičnih strateških odrednica (niša) internacionalizacije u ovom području na Sveučilištu u Beču s tradicijom i politikom Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, na Sveučilištu u Lausanni s politikom neutralnosti, a na Sveučilištu u Granadi sa španjolskom kolonijalnom politikom prema Sjevernoj Africi, na temelju analize ovakva izravna poveznica u službenim dokumentima nije utvrđena. Ipak, kroz intervjue i boravak u trima sveučilišnim sredinama, utvrđeno je da je specifične strateške odrednice internacionalizacije moguće vezivati uz pojedine karakteristike koje se mogu smatrati povijesnim, kulturalnim i tradicijskim 'ostacima' ili tekovinama spomenutih koncepata, koji su danas, pretvoreni u nova, suvremena obilježja, ipak prisutni u samoj srži triju sveučilišta. Zaključno, kroz uvide dobivene komparativnim istraživanjem putem istraživačkog modela utvrđen je utjecaj financijske i ekonomske krize na sveučilišta u Španjolskoj, što je onda bilo moguće povezati i s provedbom sveučilišne politike u području internacionalizacije te aktivnostima i inicijativama Sveučilišta u Granadi u okviru strategije internacionalizacije, što se posebno očituje kroz izrazitu okrenutost programima za koje postoji osigurano financiranje na EU razini (npr. Erasmus+ program). Suprotno tome, uvidima nije utvrđeno postojanje utjecaja financijske i ekonomske krize na strategije internacionalizacije Sveučilišta u Beču i Sveučilišta u Lausanni te na njihovo djelovanje u ovom području. ; Although according to the opinion of many researchers universities have been among the most globalised institutions (Marginson and Considine, 2000: 8) historically, in last decades universities have had to adapt to many changes under the pressure of the last wave of globalisation (e.g. increased competitiveness, high importance of rankings, new forms of international activities, use of new communication technologies in teaching and learning, etc.). The processes that universities use to adapt to the pressure of globalisation tend to include: new strategic determinants and policies, new organisational and governance models in order to achieve greater competitiveness and better rankings results, the search for alternative and additional sources of financing due to the decrease in public funding allocation, the development of new concepts and activities with an international dimension, the establishment of new partnerships, the development of various models for international collaboration, etc. (for example, see publications by Frølich, Gornitzka, Kehm, Knight, Maassen, Neave, Stensaker, Teichler, Van der Wende, etc.). The aim of this PhD thesis is to explore the impact of globalisation on the internationalisation of European public universities. This primarily includes verifying the main thesis that by changing the paradigm of higher education (HE) in the global context, public universities are increasingly turning to the development of international activities (eg. Knight, 2008; Teichler, 2009; Kehm, 2003; Van der Wende, 2001), but they choose different internationalisation strategies. Internationalisation can be a comparative advantage of the university which, developed through specific innovative strategic orientation (niche), becomes the framework for the official university policy implemented in different political arenas and communicated to stakeholders at all levels. This niche can be based on tradition, culture and the historical role of the state in which the university operates. More the university becomes innovative in the selection and development of this niche, it gets better development opportunities and it can achieve greater global competitiveness. Therefore, this project is secondly oriented on verifying the hypothesis that differences between national contexts xi (tradition, culture and historical role of the state) and the ways in which countries manage the economic and financial crisis, affect the different selection of internationalisation strategies of European public universities. Since scientific understanding of internationalisation have changed over time, this term is today widely understood as a broad umbrella term that covers many dimensions, components, approaches and activities (de Wit and Hunter, 2015: 45). However, in the literature there is no specific answer what is exactly globalisation in HE, what are the pressures of globalisation in HE field, what do we mean by the internationalisation of universities and where and how does Europeanisation fit in. Literature has offered various definitions of these three terms and their mutual relations (for example, see publications by Altbach, de Wit, Knight, Marginson, Rhodes, Robertson, Scott, Stromquist, Sawir, Teichler, Van der Wende), and the researchers in the field of HE adopted various approaches to its operationalisation (see Knight, 2008; Teichler, 2004, 2009; Marginson i Van der Wende, 2007; de Wit, 2010, etc.) Although this PhD project is dealing with the impact of globalisation on the internationalisation of European public universities, a theoretical concept of Europeanisation is also included in the theoretical framework. The Bologna process, which highly promotes internationalisation policies and efforts, as well as other European initiatives in HE, some researchers consider to be linked with the Europeanisation in HE and therefore all three terms are analysed and discussed in this project. There are two gaps in literature that this PhD project addresses: the problem with the lack of generally accepted definitions of globalisation, internationalisation and Europeanisation and their mutual relations in HE, as well as their indicators; and the lack of projects which use analysis of the role of the context in HE field in order to explore differences between individual national (and subnational) policies. This PhD thesis had three main objectives: (1) to explore the impact of globalisation on the internationalisation of European public universities; (2) to analyse the factors that determine and redefine the characteristics of internationalisation of universities and factors that indicate the degree of policy change in strategies of HE institutions and national HE policies; (3) to explore the differences in national contexts and ways in which countries 'filter' globalisation pressures and the impact of financial and economic crisis, which affects the characteristics of national HE policies and university strategies in the field of internationalisation. In order to fulfil these goals, triangulation of literature review and empirical research was used. Therefore, in this PhD project, two empirical researches were conducted: a Delphi method research and a comparison of three case studies.

This works examines the concept of boundary through the prism of postmodern geopolitics. Through an analysis of theses by eminent authors in this field, the author aims at a synthetic representation and evaluation of the complexity of the globalisation phenomenon, and of the consequences that can be caused by deterritorialisation in the postmodern contextualisation of boundaries and space. Some premature theses regarding the "end of geography" or the states' loss of power in the contemporary world, have promptly been countered by well-founded criticism of the scientific community. The central section of the work inquires into the character of deterritorialisation, and analyses the traps inherent to contemporary research of territory and the geopolitical characteristics thereof. Adapted from the source document.

Negativni ishod referenduma o Ustavu Europske unije u Francuskoj i Nizozemskoj doveo je u žarište alternativu između preoblikovanja Europe u federativnu državu i njezinog zadržavanja statusa svojevrsne međunarodne organizacije. U radu se naglašava da je ta alternativa manje oštra nego što se čini. Europska je unija proces koji obje mogućnosti drži otvorenima. Europa se može istodobno razvijati i prema čvršćim strukturama u nekim područjima i prema većoj elastičnosti i prilagodljivosti u drugima: sigurnost, regulacija, javne službe, socijalna skrb, snaženje kapaciteta za ekonomsku kompeticiju, poboljšanje sposobnosti za suočavanje s globalnim izazovima. Uspoređuju se rezultati radova o upravljanju višerazinskim teritorijalnim sustavima, osobito u njemačkoj i američkoj tradiciji, u pogledu kapaciteta rješavanja problama u višerazinskim sustavima pod uvjetima pregovaranja i labave skopčanosti među razinama. U konačnici, taj je kapacitet važniji od formalnih obilježja europskog integracijskog oblika. ; The negative out come of the referenda about the European Constitution in France and the Netherlands have, apparently, put the alternative between the transformation of Europe in a federative State and its remaining an international organization in to sharper focus. The argument in this paper is that this alternative is less sharp than it might appear. The European Union is an evolving proces that keeps both alternatives open. Europe could move simultaneously towards tighter structures in some fields and towards greater elasticity and adaptivenes in others: security, regulation, public services, social benefits, increasing capacity for economic competition, better ability to face new global challenges. Work done about the govenance of multi level territorial systems, particularly in the German and American traditions, is compared from the point of view of the problem-solving capacity of multi level systems under conditions of bargaining and loose coupling among its levels. This capacity, in the final analysis, is more important than the formal attributes of the European construction.

U ovome radu, supranacionalizam se istražuje kroz dva vida - kao ideja (koja se ponajprije odnosi na 'Europski projekt', tj. povijesni proces europske integracije od 1945. do danas); također, suodnosno - kao ideologija; i/ili - kao faza nadređenog/nadređenih procesa 'komunogeneze' ('globalizacije' i 'civilizacije'), konceptualizirane u širem filozofsko-političkom okviru - istraživanja tzv. 'kozmokracije' ili 'svjetske (globalne) vladavine. Započinjem istraživanje impliciranih značenja i prospektnog budućeg razvoja svjetske politike (uzete kao jedne cjeline), prvotno ispitivajući - povijesni kontinuum pretvorbi političke zajednice (iz "zapadnjačke" perspektive), kao i nužnih pretvorbi njihova središnjega koncepta - 'suvereniteta'. U drugom dijelu ispitujem supstancijalizirani radni (teoretski) okvir za analizu supranacionalnog fenomena preko dva velika djela političke filozofije (klasične i suvremene) - Kantovog Vječnog mira te Rawlsove Teorije pravednosti zajedno s Pravom naroda. Konačno, u trećem dijelu započinjem s ispitivanjem supranacionalnog fenomena u praksi, isključivo u kontekstu 'Europskog projekta' kao modela koji bi u budućnosti mogli pratiti i drugi. Europsku uniju uzimam kao primjer koji nam pomaže u razmatranju mogućih puteva/načina realizacije pretpostavki danih u drugom dijelu. Zaključujem s optimističnom perspektivom Europske unije kao (povijesne) jezgre moguće 'Globalne Zajednice' ili 'Svjetske Federacije', arbitrarno, ali znakovito nazvane - 'Sjedinjenom Zemaljskom Republikom'. ; In this paper, 'supranationalism' is being explored three-fold - as an idea (most commonly attributed to the 'European Project', i.e. historical process of european integration, from 1945. until today; also, conversely - as an ideology; and/or - as a phase of an overarching process(es) of 'communogenesis' ('globalisation' and 'civilization' or, following Nancy - 'mondialization') - conceptualised in the wider (meta-theoretical) philosophical and political framework of 'cosmocracy' or 'world (global) governance'. I'm ...

U ovome radu, supranacionalizam se istražuje kroz dva vida - kao ideja (koja se ponajprije odnosi na 'Europski projekt', tj. povijesni proces europske integracije od 1945. do danas); također, suodnosno - kao ideologija; i/ili - kao faza nadređenog/nadređenih procesa 'komunogeneze' ('globalizacije' i 'civilizacije'), konceptualizirane u širem filozofsko-političkom okviru - istraživanja tzv. 'kozmokracije' ili 'svjetske (globalne) vladavine. Započinjem istraživanje impliciranih značenja i prospektnog budućeg razvoja svjetske politike (uzete kao jedne cjeline), prvotno ispitivajući - povijesni kontinuum pretvorbi političke zajednice (iz "zapadnjačke" perspektive), kao i nužnih pretvorbi njihova središnjega koncepta - 'suvereniteta'. U drugom dijelu ispitujem supstancijalizirani radni (teoretski) okvir za analizu supranacionalnog fenomena preko dva velika djela političke filozofije (klasične i suvremene) - Kantovog Vječnog mira te Rawlsove Teorije pravednosti zajedno s Pravom naroda. Konačno, u trećem dijelu započinjem s ispitivanjem supranacionalnog fenomena u praksi, isključivo u kontekstu 'Europskog projekta' kao modela koji bi u budućnosti mogli pratiti i drugi. Europsku uniju uzimam kao primjer koji nam pomaže u razmatranju mogućih puteva/načina realizacije pretpostavki danih u drugom dijelu. Zaključujem s optimističnom perspektivom Europske unije kao (povijesne) jezgre moguće 'Globalne Zajednice' ili 'Svjetske Federacije', arbitrarno, ali znakovito nazvane - 'Sjedinjenom Zemaljskom Republikom'. ; In this paper, 'supranationalism' is being explored three-fold - as an idea (most commonly attributed to the 'European Project', i.e. historical process of european integration, from 1945. until today; also, conversely - as an ideology; and/or - as a phase of an overarching process(es) of 'communogenesis' ('globalisation' and 'civilization' or, following Nancy - 'mondialization') - conceptualised in the wider (meta-theoretical) philosophical and political framework of 'cosmocracy' or 'world (global) governance'. I'm ...

Nova euroatlanska civilizatorska misija u hrvatskom prostoru objašnjava se nesposobnošću hrvatske političke vlasti da sama upravlja svojim prostorom, s obzirom na unutarnje etničke netrpeljivosti i nejedinstvo te posljedični manjak samosvijesti zbog koje joj je nužna zaštita Europske unije i NATO-a. Sistemska regulacija međudržavnih odnosa u hrvatskom prostoru tako se je ponovno zatekla u škripu hrvatskog identitarnog bipolarizma, koji počiva na dvama naizgled oprečnim hrvatskim idealima (vjerskom i nacionalnom). Stoga se dobiva dojam da dvije hrvatske tendencije, pripadnost oksidentalnoj vjerskoj, ali slavenskoj zajednici naroda, ne mogu djelovati simultano, nego samo naizmjenično. Iako je upravo jednostrana, naizmjenična eksploatacija hrvatskog dualnog identiteta izvor je svih tragedija Hrvata modernog doba. ; The paper deals with the complexity of international relations regulation in the globalization context and in the cramp iron of Croatian identitarian bipolarism, by the systemic method in the path of Edgar Morin's complexity thought. The author proves that insufficient synchronization of the two opposing and complementary identities of the Croatian space, Latin and Slavophilic, is the product of systemic crisis and the producer of identity crisis. An autonomous foreign policy concept that clearly defines the boundaries of the Croatian regulation system within the European and global regulatory regime, as well as the institution of a strong president acting as an external regulator of Croatian identitarian specificity, are key preconditions for the sustainable development of the Croatian space. In the exit period of the current globalisation cycle (1990-2020), the required variation of the Croatian governing system is diminishing, and external threats are more numerous after the mutation of the Anglo-American regulation system, which defines a new direction for the forthcoming globalization cycle. Without increasing the required variation, insufficient regulation of the Croatian space leads to a new general crisis.

Gospodarske i društvene krize prilika su za protestne stranke da dignu svoj glas i da se izbore za nove pozicije na političkoj sceni. Mnogi analitičari smatraju da su stranke radikalne desnice dobile zamah upravo na protestima građana protiv globalizacije, ekonomske deprivacije i utjecaja gospodarske krize. Pomnijim proučavanjem radikalizacije politike vidi se da pojednostavljivanje te teze nema naročito čvrsto uporište. U nedostatku jasnih metodologija politolozi i drugi društveni znanstvenici pokušavaju uobličiti teorije zasnovane na empirijskim istraživanjima. Jedan je od čestih teorijskih okvira odnos populističkih stranaka prema socioekonomskom stanju u zemlji. Prema toj tezi, u vremenu globalne krize postotak glasača za radikalne političke opcije raste, većinom iz protesta, a ne antisustavnosti. Ovo izlaganje prati i stanje u Srednjoj Europi, odnosno rezultate ovogodišnjih izbora u Mađarskoj, Latviji i Slovačkoj kao zemljama sa snažnom radikalnom desnicom. Na primjerima tih zemalja nastoji se utvrditi može li se socioekonomska teorija aplicirati ili se radi o većim izazovima liberalnoj demokraciji s krajnjeg desnog pola. ; Economic and social crises provide an opportunity for protest parties to raise their voices and to win new positions in the political arena. Many analysts deem that the parties of the radical Right gained momentum exactly with the protests by citizens against globalisation, economic deprivation and the impact of the economic crisis. A more detailed study of the radicalisation of politics reveals that the simplification of this thesis does not have a particularly strong justification. In the absence of clear methodologies, political scientists and other social scientists seek to formulate theories based on empirical research. One of the frequent theoretical frameworks is the attitude of populist parties toward the socio-economic situation in the country. According to this thesis, in the period of a global crisis, the percentage of voters of radical political options increases, mostly out of protest, and not as an anti-systemic phenomenon. This paper also examines the situation in Central Europe, as well as the outcomes of this year's elections in Hungary, Latvia and Slovakia as countries with a strong radical Right. By analysing the cases of these countries, the author seeks to establish whether the socio-economic theory can be applied, or whether these countries are facing greater challenges to liberal democracy posed by the far-right pole.

Globalizacija i povećana međunarodna međuovisnost pridonose tomu da se ponovno povećava interes utjecaja strukture međunarodnog sustava na međunarodne odnose. Međunarodni sustav od kraja Hladnog rata neprestano proživljava promjene. One se najviše odlikuju u političkim i sigurnosnim novitetima. U takvim je uvjetima struktura sustava postala glavnom odrednicom ponašanja država koje se, promatrajući ih kroz perspektivu strukturalnog realizma ili neorealizma, ponašaju isključivo u skladu s vlastitim interesima, u uvjetima anarhičnog sustava. S obzirom na geopolitički položaj te veličinu Hrvatskoj je izrazito bitno čvrsto članstvo unutar NATO-saveza i Europske Unije. Kontekst razvoja sigurnosti i obrane time postaje više usmjeren na činjenicu da se zemlje članice saveza obvezuju pomagati jedna drugoj u slučaju pojave ugroze, te se time jača stabilnost nacionalne sigurnosti potrebne da se omoguće dugoročni mir i stabilnost u zemlji, ali i u susjedstvu. Kao središnji i konstantan fenomen u proučavanju međunarodnih odnosa, savezi nastaju jer su vlade svih razvijenih država svjesne da su dio jednog većeg entiteta u međunarodnoj politici u kojoj, prema postavkama neorealističke škole među-narodnih odnosa, postoje prijetnje koje su uzroci stvaranja saveza. ; Globalisation and increased international interdependence have contributed to the fact that once again the interest of the impact on the structure of the international system to international relations is increased. The international system, since the end of the Cold War, is constantly going through changes. They are the most distinguished in political and security innovations. In such circumstances, the structure of the system has become the main determinant of behaviour of states that, looking through the perspective of structural realism or neorealism, act solely pursuing their own interest, in terms of an anarchic system. Given the geopolitical position and size of the country, it is extremely important for Croatia to have a firm membership within the NATO and the European Union. The context of development of security and defence thus becomes more focused on the fact that the member states of the alliance commit to assist each other in case of threats, so the stability of national security needed to enable long-term peace and stability in the country, but also the neighbourhood, is strengthened. As a central and constant phenomenon in the study of international relations, alliances are formed because the governments of all developed countries are aware that they are part of a larger entity in international politics, in which, according to the neorealist school of international relations, there are threats that cause creating alliances.

U radu se razmatraju povod, tijek i sadržaj intelektualne i političke debate između Stipe Šuvara i Šime Đodana koja se odvijala tijekom 1969., u uvjetima društveno-političkih, kulturnih i ekonomskih previranja u tadašnjoj socijalističkoj Hrvatskoj i Jugoslaviji. Glavno pitanje koje se eksplicitno i implicitno provlačilo kroz debatu bilo je: "Je li Hrvatska u Jugoslaviji eksploatirana?" No ta je rasprava bila višeslojna i kompleksnija od toga. U njoj su se autori dotakli i međuodnosa nacionalizma i međunarodne ekonomske integracije unutar Jugoslavije, kao i integracije Jugoslavije sa svijetom, odnosa ekonomije i kulture, emocionalnih i racionalnih argumenata u političkoj i ekonomskoj sferi, nacionalizma i demografije, modernizacije i nacionalne emancipacije, međudjelovanja procesa u istočnom, socijalističkom lageru i na Zapadu te konsekvencija koje bi Jugoslavija i jugoslavensko društvo iz toga trebali povlačiti. U takvu složenijem iščitavanju njihove suprotstavljene pozicije (borba ideja) ne mogu se svoditi na dihotomiju socijalizam – nacionalizam i hrvatstvo – jugoslavenstvo. ; This paper examines the cause, flow, and context of the intellectual and political debate between Stipe Šuvar and Šime Đodan that took place during 1969, in the conditions of socio-political, cultural, and economic turmoil in the then socialist Croatia and Yugoslavia. The main question that was explicitly and implicitly present throughout the debate was: 'Is Croatia being exploited in Yugoslavia?' This discussion, however, was multi-layered and more complex than that. In it, the authors touched upon the relationship between nationalism and inter-ethnic economic integration within Yugoslavia as well as the integration of Yugoslavia with the world, the relationship between economy and culture, emotional and rational arguments in the political and economic spheres, nationalism and demographics, modernisation and national/ethnic emancipation, the interaction of processes in the eastern, socialist bloc and in the West, and the consequences that Yugoslavia should draw from them. As a consequence of this more complex interpretation, their opposed positions (struggle of ideas) cannot be reduced to a simple dichotomy such as socialism-nationalism and Croatianness-Yugoslavness. Furthermore, the freer speech that became predominant in Yugoslav and Croatian public space in the 1960s and 1970s made it easier to cross the borders between the economic, political, social, and cultural spheres. The economic dimension of nationalism would prove inseparable from the national discourse, and it would become apparent that it could not be adequately addressed through general debates in the field of economic theory and practice alone. Finally, the Šuvar-Đodan polemic is a reminder of the reflections on globalisation that were then taking place in socialist societies and states, and which had begun long before the fall of the Berlin Wall.