Suchergebnisse

17.yüzyıl düşünürü olan J. J. Rousseau, temelinde sosyal sözleşmenin olduğunu iddia ettiği siyasal iktidara, özgürleşme garantisi veren bir toplum biçimini oluşturması için bazı yetkiler vermiş ve önerilerde bulunmuştur. Siyasal iktidar iyi yurttaşlar yetiştirmek ve sadık bir uyruk yaratabilmek için toplumla ilgili inanç belirtilerini kullanmalıdır. Kuralları egemen tarafından belirlenecek bu din sivil dindir. Rousseau'ya göre politik olarak vazgeçilmez olan sivil din, bir projedir; bu projenin tanrısı ise sosyal sözleşmedir. Rousseau tarafından sistematikleştirilen sivil din kavramı, Rousseau'nun ardından pek çok düşünür tarafından üzerine tartışılan bir kavram olmuştur. Bununla birlikte, pek çok devlet kendisine ait bir strateji belirlerken sivil dinin birleştirici gücünden faydalanmıştır. Söz konusu devletler, sivil dinin milli birlik duygusunu şekillendirmeye katkı sağladığının farkında olarak hareket etmişlerdir. Bağımsızlık ve uluslaşma sürecinde John Locke ve J. J. Rousseau başta olmak üzere, pek çok aydınlanma çağı düşünürü fikirlerinin izlerine rastlanan Amerika Birleşik Devletleri, sivil din önerisinin hayata geçirildiği en başarılı örneklerden biridir. Bugün birden çok milletten insanı barındıran Amerika, özellikle ulus olma sürecinde, devlet başkanları aracılığıyla sivil dine pek çok yerde atıf yapmış ve sivil dini hayata geçirmiştir. Bu bağlamda, Amerika Birleşik Devletleri kutsal günler ve kutsal kişiler yaratarak iç siyasetini şekillendirmiştir. 1776 Amerikan Bağımsızlık Bildirgesi'yle birlikte kullanılmaya başlanan ve Amerika'nın seçilmiş millet olduğu inancının yerleştirilmesi bağlamında kullanılan sivil din, bayrak, başkanlık konuşmaları ve milli bayramlar gibi laik sembollere kutsallık yükleme noktasında temellerini bulmuştur. Bu bağlamda, one nation under God ve In God we trust sloganları Amerikan sivil dininin birer yansıması olarak göze çarpmaktadır. ; The 17th century philosopher J.J. Rousseau has given certain powers and suggestions to political power, which was claimed the basis of social contract by him, in order to form a society that guarantees the liberation. Political power must use signs of faith in society in order to raise good citizens and create a loyal nationality. This religion, which will be determined by sovereign rules, is the civil religion. According to Rousseau, civil religion, which is politically indispensable, is a project; the god of this project is social contract. The concept of civil religion, systematized by Rousseau, has been discussed by many thinkers after Rousseau. In addition, many states have benefited from the unifying power of civil religion in determining their own strategies. These states acted aware that civil religion contributes to shaping the sense of national unity. In the process of independence and nationalization, the United States of America, found in the footsteps of many enlightenment thinkers, especially John Locke and J. J. Rousseau, is one of the most successful examples of civil religion propose. Today, the United States, which hosts people from more than one nation, has referred to civil religion in many places through the heads of state, especially in the process of becoming a nation, and has implemented civil religion. In this context, the United States has shaped its internal politics by creating sacred days and sacred persons. Civil religion, which began to be used in conjunction with the American Declaration of Independence in 1776 and was used in the context of the placement of the belief in the elected nation of America, has found its foundation at the point of dispensing sacred symbols to secular symbols such as flags, presidential speeches and national holidays. In this context, the slogan One Nation Under God and In God We Trust stands out as a reflection of American civil religion.

One of the most important subjects that the ancient Greeks wondered and wanted to learn was the creation of the world. For them, the formation process of earth, sky, sea, water, light, air, night, day, gods and humans had always been important. When we look at this process of formation, at the beginning of the world there was chaos, the infinity. From this infinity, first mother earth, then the deepest place of the world of the dead, then the underground darkness and the darkness of the earth, Night (Nyks) were born. Mother earth herself united with sky, sea, and mountains, and then with her own children, giving birth to divine beings. Again in this process, the Night (Nyks) shapes other intangible beings with various duties and responsibilities in the world, which continue to be created by the method of virginal generation (parthenogenesis). In our study, these virginally generated beings by Night are discussed.

The concept of time in ancient Greek belief = Aion; It is a term used to express life span and eternal life. Within the concept of time, this concept, which expresses the duration of human life and the time and eternity before the beginning of everything, is not depicted in any kind of art until the Late Hellenistic period. Influenced by Egyptian and Persian beliefs, he was reflected in Greek art as a syncretic god. After this period, he began to be depicted as a human-shaped creature with the head of a lion and wings on his shoulders. He usually holds a scepter and a key in his hands with a snake entwined with him or his body. It has been a matter of debate to definitively consider these depictions as Aion. However, we come across depictions that we can define as Aion in the Roman Imperial Period. In almost all depictions, he is personified as a male figure with bushy and gray hair, old or young, usually holding the zodiac circle in one hand, as well as a globe, papyrus roll, and horn of fertility. The personification of Aion, which appeared in the art of this period, was used to propagate the eternity and eternality of the Empire.

The holy persons (saints), who have an important place for Byzantine Art and Christianity, have been kept alive in depictions, religious buildings, temples and churches in Anatolia and Europe since early times. The fact that the information about the lives of these saints, who are described as the representatives and servants of God on earth, is missing in the Turkish literature, has been effective in recent studies in this field. After the studies on doctor saints, reaching very little data about these three women saints is an important deficiency for those who study Byzantine medicine and saint lives. With this study, data on the lives of doctor saints were compiled and new information was brought to the literature by evaluating their lives, lifestyles and the location of their graves. The study was supported with new records and finds, and a suggestion was made about the school where the saints were educated. It was tried to determine the place of the saints in the Christian world by discussing the accuracy of some claims. These saints, who are considered as "Mothers of Medicine", should be given the necessary dedication in the society. Although the data about these three saints are scarce, it is considered worthy to be researched and introduced with their exemplary lives and aspects, as they are prominent professionally. The belief that the continuation of their cults in the places they live and the belief that the region will also contribute to faith tourism makes it necessary to think and research on the subject.

Dervishes were important figures who embraced asceticism, modesty, poverty, and patience as a way of living and played a key role in spreading Islam among the Turks. Culturally influential dervishes have been a common topic of research in many disciplines. In Sufi literature, dervishes are portrayed as nomads who advise people to be honest, have good morals, devote their lives on the path of truth, and are committed only to God. After the birth of orientalism in the West, which mainly focuses on the ever-fascinating East, dervishes appeared in different cultures and literature. For instance, in Russian culture and literature, dervishes are defined similarly but portrayed differently, depending on periods, conditions, and literary movements. However, the most potent example of a dervish notion, characterized by wisdom and mysticism, is Suhbat Aflatuni's "Clay Letters, Floating Apples." The author emphasizes the mystery of the East and the importance of being a perfect human being and conveys a profound life philosophy in his works. In this long story, the mystical dervish of the East reveals himself as a teacher. The dervish teacher comes to a village cursed by drought, poverty, and ignorance due to a cruel murder of a dervish a long time ago. He almost suffers the fate of the previous dervish, but divine powers help him complete his mission, and then he disappears. Aflatuni reflects all the aspects of the dervish image in his work and provides a unique example of intercultural interactions. This paper discusses the traces and intercultural similarities of mystical dervish images in Russian literature.

The issue of servants' acts is one of the most controversial issues in Islamic thought and helped to sharpen the characteristics and differences between theological schools, mainly due to its relation to taklīf and servants' responsibility. Therefore, understandings of this issue revealed differences in understandings of divine justice and wisdom, as well as in interpretations of fate and destiny.
One of the noteworthy theories is that of Ibn 'Arabī (d. 638/1240) and his followers, who attempted to establish responsibility and negate the determinism of servants through al-a'yān al-thābita (fixed entities) and ʻadam maj'ūliyat al-mahiya (un-createdness of quiddities). They also focused on the construction of fate and destiny in accordance with this theory and considered such construction to constitute "the secret of destiny" and "the absolute proof" of God over the peoples.
While studying the servants' acts and the extent of their freedom of choice, we must deal with the issue of fate and destiny, as nothing in this universe is beyond fate and destiny. Human beings and their voluntary acts are no more than a part of this fate. We, therefore, first set out to understand the meaning of fate and destiny as understood by Ibn Arabi in this article. Then, we clarify the meaning of al-a'yān al-thābita. Next, we detail the issue of createdness of quiddities; as the universal entities are no more than realities and quiddities, we then tackle the issue of preparedness of quiddity and its relation to the establishment of the servant's freedom and the negation of determinism. Finally, we explore criticisms of this theory and try to present an objective evaluation of opinions on the issue.

GELENEKSEL AMERİKAN KİMLİK VE GÜVENLİK ALGISININ 11 EYLÜL SONRASI ABD DIŞ POLİTİKASINA ETKİLERİ Helin SARI ERTEM-Doktora TeziÖZETSon yüzyılın tartışmasız en önemli güçlerinden biri olan Amerika Birleşik Devletleri (ABD), sahip olduğu askeri ve ekonomik yetenekler sayesinde uluslararası siyaset sahnesinde etkili bir rol oynamaya devam etmektedir. 11 Eylül 2001 saldırıları sonrasında ortaya koyduğu eylemlerle yakın dönemin önemli bir tartışma konusu haline gelen ABD'yi daha iyi anlamanın yolu onu sadece bugünüyle değil, geçmişiyle de beraber değerlendirmekten geçmektedir. Konsrüktivizmin, "kimlik, güvenlik ve dış politika arasında önemli bir etkileşim olduğu" fikrinden yola çıkan bu tez, geleneksel "Amerikan" kimlik ve güvenlik algısı ile, ABD'nin ortaya koyduğu eylemler arasında göz ardı edilemeyecek bağlar olduğu iddiasındadır. Protestan Anglo-Saksonların 17. Yüzyıl'da, Amerika kıtasına gerçekleştirdikleri ilk göçlerle şekillenmeye başlayan geleneksel Amerikan kimliği, bağımsızlığın ilan edildiği 18. Yüzyıl sonu ve askeri, ekonomik gücün giderek arttığı 19. ve 20. Yüzyıllar boyunca ABD'nin dış politika pratiklerinde ağırlığını hissettirmiştir. Geleneksel Amerikan kimliği, Amerikan halkının istisnai bir halk olduğu, doğruluk ve iyiliği dünyaya yaymak için, Tanrı tarafından ilahi bir misyonla görevlendirildiği inancına dayanmaktadır ve mutlak güvenliğe ulaşmak adına Amerikan değerlerinin mümkün olduğunca geniş bir kesime benimsetilmesinden yanadır.19. Yüzyıl sonu ve 20. Yüzyıl boyunca bu bakış açısına uyan eylemlere defalarca imza atan ABD'nin, 11 Eylül sonrası George W. Bush yönetimi ve Yeni Muhafazakârların öncülüğünde gerçekleştirdiği dış politika pratikleri de doğrudan geleneksel Amerikan kimlik ve güvenlik algısının izlerini taşımakta; bu bağlamda ABD'nin geçmişi ve bugünü arasındaki devamlılıklara işaret etmektedir. THE IMPACT OF THE TRADITIONAL AMERICAN IDENTITY AND SECURITY PERCEPTION ON THE POST-SEPTEMBER 11 US FOREIGN POLICY ABSTRACTWith its huge military and economic capabilities, the United States of America (USA) has been one of the most important powers of the last century and it continues to play an influential role on the stage of international politics. To better understand the USA, which has recently been an important matter of discussion with the actions it has put into practice after September 11, 2001 attacks, not only the present, but also the past of this country must be evaluated. This thesis, which has begun with a constructivist idea pointing out that "there is an important interaction between identity, security and foreign policy of a country", claims that there is an obvious relation between the US actions and the traditional "American" identity and security perception. The influence of the traditional American identity, which began to be shaped by the first migrations of the Protestant Anglo-Saxons to the continent of America in the 17th Century, has continued to be felt on the US foreign policy practices in coming years. The traditional American identity is based on the idea that God has granted the American nation a divine mission to expand uprightness and goodness and that the American values must be adopted by as many as possible to achieve absolute security. The USA has practiced various actions based on this idea in the end of the 19th and during the 20th Centuries. After September 11, the foreign policy practices of the George W. Bush administration under the heavy influence of the Neoconservatives directly carried some footprints of the traditional American identity and security perception and thus pointed out the continuities between the past and the present of the USA.

İslamcılık ve demokrasi arasındaki ilişki, İslamcılığın 150 yıllık tarihi boyunca çeşitli biçimlerde gelişmiştir. Aslında İslamcılık dendiğinde tekil bir hareket söz konusu değildir. Türkiye'de İslamcılığın genel olarak beş farklı döneminde söz edilebilir. Dönemlere göre farklı nitelikler arz eden İslamcılık, 1970 sonrasında önemli bir değişim geçirmiş ve önceki dönemlerden siyasallık vurgusu ile ayrışmıştır. Yaşanan bu değişim, İslamcılığın tarihsel sürecinde ele aldığı pek çok konuya da farklı bir bakış açısı getirmiştir. Devlet, toplum, ekonomi, siyaset vs. pek çok konu, 1970 sonrasında oldukça farklı bir çerçevede değerlendirilmiştir. Demokrasi konusu bu süreçte önceki İslamcılardan farklı bir çerçevede ele alınmış ve demokratik yönetimler, Allah'ın egemenliğini insana veren bir şirk rejimleri olarak tanımlamaya başlanmıştır. Ancak süreç içerisinde demokrasiye ilişkin bakış açısı değişmeye başlamıştır. Bugün İslamcıların demokrasiye bakışlarında önemli bir değişim söz konusudur. 1997 de gerçekleşen 28 Şubat darbesi ve akabinde Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi'nin iktidara gelmesi, İslamcılar ile demokrasi arasında sıcak bir ilişkinin kurulmasına sebep olmuş ve bugün İslamcılar adeta demokrasiyi sahiplenmeye başlamışlardır. Bu noktada çalışma, yaşanan bu büyük değişimi anlamaya ve bu değişime neden olan faktörleri irdelemeyi hedeflemektedir. Görülen en büyük değişim ise demokrasiyi anlama biçiminde yatmaktadır. İslamcılar, demokrasi konusunu iki biçimde algılamıştır: Birincisi bir rejim olarak demokrasi, ikincisi ise bir yönetim mekanizması olarak demokrasi. Yaşanan bu algı değişimi, İslamcıların demokrasiyle kurduğu ilişkinin bugünkü noktaya gelmesini anlaşılabilir kılmaktadır ; The relation between Islamism and democracy has improved various forms since 150 years. Indeed, there is no unique Islamism or Islamist movement. Many different movements from each other define under the concept of Islamism. Islamism in Turkey can separate five periods in general. The first period is the late Ottoman era: between 1850 and 1924. This period also called Ottoman's Islamism. The second period starts with the foundation of Republic of Turkey and finishes in 1950. We can say for this period that interregnum of Islamism. The third period of Islamism in Turkey is the years between 1950 and 1970. In these years, Islamism had owned rightist, statist, and nationalist reflexes. The fourth period of Islamism is the years between 1970 and 1997. This period's Islamism can be named pure Islamism or political Islamism and thus it has a powerful political emphasis. The fifth and last period of Islamism has started with the February 28 coup in 1997 and it still goes on. Islamism, exhibiting different characteristics according to the period, has undergone significant changes after 1970. Different from its previous period, Islamism has turned into a movement highlighting tawhid and emphasizing political dimensions. This changing started along with translating some texts from Islamic movements' and their leaders in other countries like Egypt and Pakistan to Turkish in 1960s and 1970s. Islamists has brought different perspectives in a lot of topics such as state, society, economy, politics etc. These issues have been evaluated in a quite different context of post-1970. For instance, the perception of state has undergone a radically change during this period. Previous Islamists was owned the state. But for the latter Islamist, state is defined as a disbelievers (kafir) formation which should be islamization. An Islamic state definition is made and it was described in detail that how it should be. With state issues, democracy issues also were discussed in a different context from the previous Islamists in the process and democratic governments have begun to describe as a shirk regime (polytheism) that the sovereignty belongs to Allah gives people. But the outlook for democracy has started to change in the process. In fact, discussions about democracy between Islamists have shaped in two different definitions. The first group's definition of democracy is a way of life or an ideology or a philosophy of life. The Group who see democracy as incompatible with Islam prefers this definitions. The second definition is that democracy is a management mechanism independent from ideology. According to this approach, democracy is a tool that can be used as a means to an Islamic government. Especially after 1980s, this second definition related to democracy began to embrace in Islamists. In fact, democracy is quite a controversial issue in itself. There is no only one definition of democracy. If we seek the literature of democracy, we can see a lot of its definitions, models and applications. Moreover, current The relation between Islamism and democracy has improved various forms since 150 years. Indeed, there is no unique Islamism or Islamist movement. Many different movements from each other define under the concept of Islamism. Islamism in Turkey can separate five periods in general. The first period is the late Ottoman era: between 1850 and 1924. This period also called Ottoman's Islamism. The second period starts with the foundation of Republic of Turkey and finishes in 1950. We can say for this period that interregnum of Islamism. The third period of Islamism in Turkey is the years between 1950 and 1970. In these years, Islamism had owned rightist, statist, and nationalist reflexes. The fourth period of Islamism is the years between 1970 and 1997. This period's Islamism can be named pure Islamism or political Islamism and thus it has a powerful political emphasis. The fifth and last period of Islamism has started with the February 28 coup in 1997 and it still goes on. Islamism, exhibiting different characteristics according to the period, has undergone significant changes after 1970. Different from its previous period, Islamism has turned into a movement highlighting tawhid and emphasizing political dimensions. This changing started along with translating some texts from Islamic movements' and their leaders in other countries like Egypt and Pakistan to Turkish in 1960s and 1970s. Islamists has brought different perspectives in a lot of topics such as state, society, economy, politics etc. These issues have been evaluated in a quite different context of post-1970. For instance, the perception of state has undergone a radically change during this period. Previous Islamists was owned the state. But for the latter Islamist, state is defined as a disbelievers (kafir) formation which should be islamization. An Islamic state definition is made and it was described in detail that how it should be. With state issues, democracy issues also were discussed in a different context from the previous Islamists in the process and democratic governments have begun to describe as a shirk regime (polytheism) that the sovereignty belongs to Allah gives people. But the outlook for democracy has started to change in the process. In fact, discussions about democracy between Islamists have shaped in two different definitions. The first group's definition of democracy is a way of life or an ideology or a philosophy of life. The Group who see democracy as incompatible with Islam prefers this definitions. The second definition is that democracy is a management mechanism independent from ideology. According to this approach, democracy is a tool that can be used as a means to an Islamic government. Especially after 1980s, this second definition related to democracy began to embrace in Islamists. In fact, democracy is quite a controversial issue in itself. There is no only one definition of democracy. If we seek the literature of democracy, we can see a lot of its definitions, models and applications. Moreover, current The relation between Islamism and democracy has improved various forms since 150 years. Indeed, there is no unique Islamism or Islamist movement. Many different movements from each other define under the concept of Islamism. Islamism in Turkey can separate five periods in general. The first period is the late Ottoman era: between 1850 and 1924. This period also called Ottoman's Islamism. The second period starts with the foundation of Republic of Turkey and finishes in 1950. We can say for this period that interregnum of Islamism. The third period of Islamism in Turkey is the years between 1950 and 1970. In these years, Islamism had owned rightist, statist, and nationalist reflexes. The fourth period of Islamism is the years between 1970 and 1997. This period's Islamism can be named pure Islamism or political Islamism and thus it has a powerful political emphasis. The fifth and last period of Islamism has started with the February 28 coup in 1997 and it still goes on. Islamism, exhibiting different characteristics according to the period, has undergone significant changes after 1970. Different from its previous period, Islamism has turned into a movement highlighting tawhid and emphasizing political dimensions. This changing started along with translating some texts from Islamic movements' and their leaders in other countries like Egypt and Pakistan to Turkish in 1960s and 1970s. Islamists has brought different perspectives in a lot of topics such as state, society, economy, politics etc. These issues have been evaluated in a quite different context of post-1970. For instance, the perception of state has undergone a radically change during this period. Previous Islamists was owned the state. But for the latter Islamist, state is defined as a disbelievers (kafir) formation which should be islamization. An Islamic state definition is made and it was described in detail that how it should be. With state issues, democracy issues also were discussed in a different context from the previous Islamists in the process and democratic governments have begun to describe as a shirk regime (polytheism) that the sovereignty belongs to Allah gives people. But the outlook for democracy has started to change in the process. In fact, discussions about democracy between Islamists have shaped in two different definitions. The first group's definition of democracy is a way of life or an ideology or a philosophy of life. The Group who see democracy as incompatible with Islam prefers this definitions. The second definition is that democracy is a management mechanism independent from ideology. According to this approach, democracy is a tool that can be used as a means to an Islamic government. Especially after 1980s, this second definition related to democracy began to embrace in Islamists. In fact, democracy is quite a controversial issue in itself. There is no only one definition of democracy. If we seek the literature of democracy, we can see a lot of its definitions, models and applications. Moreover, current The relation between Islamism and democracy has improved various forms since 150 years. Indeed, there is no unique Islamism or Islamist movement. Many different movements from each other define under the concept of Islamism. Islamism in Turkey can separate five periods in general. The first period is the late Ottoman era: between 1850 and 1924. This period also called Ottoman's Islamism. The second period starts with the foundation of Republic of Turkey and finishes in 1950. We can say for this period that interregnum of Islamism. The third period of Islamism in Turkey is the years between 1950 and 1970. In these years, Islamism had owned rightist, statist, and nationalist reflexes. The fourth period of Islamism is the years between 1970 and 1997. This period's Islamism can be named pure Islamism or political Islamism and thus it has a powerful political emphasis. The fifth and last period of Islamism has started with the February 28 coup in 1997 and it still goes on. Islamism, exhibiting different characteristics according to the period, has undergone significant changes after 1970. Different from its previous period, Islamism has turned into a movement highlighting tawhid and emphasizing political dimensions. This changing started along with translating some texts from Islamic movements' and their leaders in other countries like Egypt and Pakistan to Turkish in 1960s and 1970s. Islamists has brought different perspectives in a lot of topics such as state, society, economy, politics etc. These issues have been evaluated in a quite different context of post-1970. For instance, the perception of state has undergone a radically change during this period. Previous Islamists was owned the state. But for the latter Islamist, state is defined as a disbelievers (kafir) formation which should be islamization. An Islamic state definition is made and it was described in detail that how it should be. With state issues, democracy issues also were discussed in a different context from the previous Islamists in the process and democratic governments have begun to describe as a shirk regime (polytheism) that the sovereignty belongs to Allah gives people. But the outlook for democracy has started to change in the process. In fact, discussions about democracy between Islamists have shaped in two different definitions. The first group's definition of democracy is a way of life or an ideology or a philosophy of life. The Group who see democracy as incompatible with Islam prefers this definitions. The second definition is that democracy is a management mechanism independent from ideology. According to this approach, democracy is a tool that can be used as a means to an Islamic government. Especially after 1980s, this second definition related to democracy began to embrace in Islamists. In fact, democracy is quite a controversial issue in itself. There is no only one definition of democracy. If we seek the literature of democracy, we can see a lot of its definitions, models and applications. Moreover, current practices related to democracy have criticized and it has found a widespread debate in the search for new models recently. But for Islamists, these broad debates about democracy literature have taken into brackets and neglected. They have been moving out only these two definitions of democracy. The Islamists view for democracy can be summarized in three manners from the 1970s until today. On first manner, democracy takes away the sovereignty of God and gives to human. For Islam, this means polytheism that is, to ascribe partners to Allah. So, from this perspective, democracy is full of opposite of Islam and a Muslim cannot give confirmation to democracy. The Second manner refers to a point of view not as hard as the previous approach to democracy. They do not believe in democracy as a principle or as an ideal form of government. But they think that democracy is a tool for reaching the ideal form of Islamic rule. The third approach is ownership of democracy but this situation doesn't reflect to Islamist discourse clearly. This discourse of democracy has constituted after February 28 process to struggle for existence. Today, there is a significant change the perception of democracy in Islamists. February 28 coup and the subsequently coming to power of the Justice and Development Party led to the establishment of a warm relationship between democracy and Islamists. Islamists have begun to embrace nearly democracy today. After the coup of February 28, democracy has been an existential ground for Islamists. From this point, the coup did not reduce the belief in democracy for Islamist; on the contrary, it increased. However, this ownership to democracy begun to bring some important problems for Islamist. Islamists have begun to lose their very lively thought climate especially in 1990s and they have faced with the danger of losing their claims to offer an alternative from their original source. At this point, the article aims to understand chancing in Islamists in particular of democracy. it appears that the biggest change lies on to understand of democracy.