Suchergebnisse

Based on the Mexican case, after an evident failure of social policies as effective instruments to fight poverty during neoliberal government terms (1982-2018) and arguing in favor of the convenience of submitting it to a profound reorientation, the present article postulate a thesis where the confluence of interests between the new federal government, that took office on December 1, 2018, and the cooperative and social solidarity economy movement could be produced when social policies abandon their old clientelist, assistance and paternalistic inclinations, in order to assume a citizens' capabilities and skills development focus. Only under these conditions, organized civil society could take responsibility for the solution of their own problems at a local level, counting with a strong and consistent support from governmental institutions.

This article focuses on interrelation between the government's social policy and the level of sports development. This paper presents the comparative analysis of the average salary data in the countries worldwide and in Russia (by regions) and reports the level of teenage incidence.The article draws attention to the main reasons of low level of sports business in Russia and proposes important directions of social policy in the field of physical culture and sport. ; В данной статье рассматривается взаимосвязь между социальной политикой государства и уровнем развития спорта. Анализируются данные об уровне средней заработной платы в странах мира и в России (по регионам), об уровне заболеваемости среди подростков. Определены основные причины низкого уровня развития предпринимательства в спорте в России. Предлагаются важные направления социальной политики в сфере физической культуры и спорта.

Based on the Mexican case, after an evident failure of social policies as effective instruments to fight poverty during neoliberal government terms (1982-2018) and arguing in favor of the convenience of submitting it to a profound reorientation, the present article postulate a thesis where the confluence of interests between the new federal government, that took office on December 1, 2018, and the cooperative and social solidarity economy movement could be produced when social policies abandon their old clientelist, assistance and paternalistic inclinations, in order to assume a citizens' capabilities and skills development focus. Only under these conditions, organized civil society could take responsibility for the solution of their own problems at a local level, counting with a strong and consistent support from governmental institutions. ; Tomando como base el caso mexicano, en el presente artículo, después de evidenciar el fracaso de la política social como instrumento efectivo de combate a la pobreza durante los gobiernos de la época neoliberal (1982-2018) y argumentar a favor de la conveniencia de someterla a una profunda reorientación, se postula la tesis de que la confluencia de intereses entre el nuevo gobierno federal que entró en funciones el pasado 1 de diciembre de 2018 y el movimiento cooperativo y de la economía social solidaria, podría producirse en la medida en que la política social abandonara sus añejas inclinaciones clientelistas, asistencialistas y paternalistas, para asumir un enfoque de desarrollo de las capacidades y destrezas de la ciudadanía. Sólo bajo estas condiciones, la sociedad civil organizada podría hacerse responsable de la solución de sus propios problemas a nivel local, contando para ello con un fuerte y consistente apoyo del aparato gubernamental. The social solidary economy and the new federal government's social policy Abstract Based on the Mexican case, after an evident failure of social policies as effective instruments to fight poverty during neoliberal government terms (1982-2018) and arguing in favor of the convenience of submitting it to a profound reorientation, the present article postulate a thesis where the confluence of interests between the new federal government, that took office on December 1, 2018, and the cooperative and social solidarity economy movement could be produced when social policies abandon their old clientelist, assistance and paternalistic inclinations, in order to assume a citizens' capabilities and skills development focus. Only under these conditions, organized civil society could take responsibility for the solution of their own problems at a local level, counting with a strong and consistent support from governmental institutions. Keywords: Cooperativism, public policies, clientelism, assistance.

This article investigates the complex relationships between citizens' perceptions about the government's social responsibility, their satisfaction with public services and their trust in government institutions. It uses data from a national survey of citizens in Israel and focuses on satisfaction with health care. We build on previous bureaucratic and administrative theory, and suggest two competing models of these relationships: (1) perceptions about the government's social responsibility are a source of citizens' satisfaction and trust; and (2) perceptions about the government's social responsibility are an outcome of citizens' satisfaction and trust. Our findings demonstrate the important role of public perceptions about the government's social responsibility, as well as the perceived performance of public health-care services, in building trust among citizens. The article also highlights the methodological challenges of determining cause and effect in research on trust.

We have seen a lot of very welcome progress in terms of making it easier for citizens to input their views into government policy-making processes. However, governments and citizens are now in a similar situation – after a burst of initial enthusiasm, they are not sure what to do next. Governments have struggled to get the mass participation they would like and where significant participation has occurred, have had difficulty integrating it effectively into existing decision-making processes. Citizens have been unsure what to make of this new apparent openness and where they have engaged, have found it hard to know what difference their input made. The solution is to focus on using technology to make existing policy processes more transparent and more participative rather than creating separate e-participation initiatives. The challenge for governments is to open up the whole of the policy process and be prepared to flag up very clearly and explicitly the difference citizen input made. The challenge for e-democracy advocates is to convince policymakers that their ideas can improve the existing policy process rather than simply generating more inputs into it.

We have seen a lot of very welcome progress in terms of making it easier for citizens to input their views into government policy-making processes. However, governments and citizens are now in a similar situation – after a burst of initial enthusiasm, they are not sure what to do next. Governments have struggled to get the mass participation they would like and where significant participation has occurred, have had difficulty integrating it effectively into existing decision-making processes. Citizens have been unsure what to make of this new apparent openness and where they have engaged, have found it hard to know what difference their input made. The solution is to focus on using technology to make existing policy processes more transparent and more participative rather than creating separate e-participation initiatives. The challenge for governments is to open up the whole of the policy process and be prepared to flag up very clearly and explicitly the difference citizen input made. The challenge for e-democracy advocates is to convince policymakers that their ideas can improve the existing policy process rather than simply generating more inputs into it.