A variety of factors influence the degree to which national interest groups decide to transfer their competencies from national political arenas to the European Union level. Aiming to explain these differences the article proposes and tests several hypotheses, relating to groups' organizational properties as well as their relationship with national authorities and opposing interest organizations. The empirical analysis is based on original survey of Lithuanian interest groups operating at a national level, carried out in 2016. The data reveals that organization's decision to allocate more time to supranational level is very much based on its perceived relative power in the national interest group system. Europeanisation of Lithuanian interest groups is also highly dependent on its financial resources, policy field in which the group operates as well as membership in international or EU level organizations. Whereas group type and group's domestic embeddedness, that is its relationships with national authorities, has no effect on Europeanising.
A variety of factors influence the degree to which national interest groups decide to transfer their competencies from national political arenas to the European Union level. Aiming to explain these differences the article proposes and tests several hypotheses, relating to groups' organizational properties as well as their relationship with national authorities and opposing interest organizations. The empirical analysis is based on original survey of Lithuanian interest groups operating at a national level, carried out in 2016. The data reveals that organization's decision to allocate more time to supranational level is very much based on its perceived relative power in the national interest group system. Europeanisation of Lithuanian interest groups is also highly dependent on its financial resources, policy field in which the group operates as well as membership in international or EU level organizations. Whereas group type and group's domestic embeddedness, that is its relationships with national authorities, has no effect on Europeanising.
A variety of factors influence the degree to which national interest groups decide to transfer their competencies from national political arenas to the European Union level. Aiming to explain these differences the article proposes and tests several hypotheses, relating to groups' organizational properties as well as their relationship with national authorities and opposing interest organizations. The empirical analysis is based on original survey of Lithuanian interest groups operating at a national level, carried out in 2016. The data reveals that organization's decision to allocate more time to supranational level is very much based on its perceived relative power in the national interest group system. Europeanisation of Lithuanian interest groups is also highly dependent on its financial resources, policy field in which the group operates as well as membership in international or EU level organizations. Whereas group type and group's domestic embeddedness, that is its relationships with national authorities, has no effect on Europeanising.
A variety of factors influence the degree to which national interest groups decide to transfer their competencies from national political arenas to the European Union level. Aiming to explain these differences the article proposes and tests several hypotheses, relating to groups' organizational properties as well as their relationship with national authorities and opposing interest organizations. The empirical analysis is based on original survey of Lithuanian interest groups operating at a national level, carried out in 2016. The data reveals that organization's decision to allocate more time to supranational level is very much based on its perceived relative power in the national interest group system. Europeanisation of Lithuanian interest groups is also highly dependent on its financial resources, policy field in which the group operates as well as membership in international or EU level organizations. Whereas group type and group's domestic embeddedness, that is its relationships with national authorities, has no effect on Europeanising.
A variety of factors influence the degree to which national interest groups decide to transfer their competencies from national political arenas to the European Union level. Aiming to explain these differences the article proposes and tests several hypotheses, relating to groups' organizational properties as well as their relationship with national authorities and opposing interest organizations. The empirical analysis is based on original survey of Lithuanian interest groups operating at a national level, carried out in 2016. The data reveals that organization's decision to allocate more time to supranational level is very much based on its perceived relative power in the national interest group system. Europeanisation of Lithuanian interest groups is also highly dependent on its financial resources, policy field in which the group operates as well as membership in international or EU level organizations. Whereas group type and group's domestic embeddedness, that is its relationships with national authorities, has no effect on Europeanising. ; Straipsnyje analizuojama, kurios Lietuvos interesų grupės ir kokiomis sąlygomis veikia Europos Sąjungos lygmeniu. Siekiant paaiškinti šiuos skirtumus, keliamos ir tikrinamos hipotezės, remiantis šių grupių organizaciniais veiksniais ir santykiais su nacionaline valdžia ir oponuojančiomis organizacijomis. Pateikiami ir analizuojami 2016 m. atliktos originalios Lietuvos nacionalinių interesų grupių apklausos duomenys. Tyrimo rezultatai suteikia naujos informacijos apie Lietuvos interesų grupių europeizaciją. Empirinių duomenų analizė rodo, kad lobistinių veikų vykdymą Europos Sąjungos lygmeniu lemia organizacijos santykinė galia nacionalinėje interesų grupių sistemoje. Europeizacijai stiprų poveikį daro ir viešosios politikos sritis, finansiniai ištekliai, narystė tarptautinio lygmens interesų organizacijose. Organizacijos tipas ir jos santykiai su nacionalinėmis valdžios institucijomis europeizacijai nėra svarbūs.
The thesis analyzes interaction between EU interest groups and EU institutions. It explains how, why and where interest groups operate, what they represent, and whether the interests of Lithuanian organizations are represented in the European Union. The aim of the thesis is to evaluate interaction of interest groups with EP and EC. In order to reach this objective six tasks have been set. First of all, the activity of EU operating interest groups is considered. Also, the thesis studies the relation of interest groups with the European Commission and the European Parliament, the regulation of the activity of EU interest groups, the registers of EC and EP interest groups, and the representation of Lithuanian organizations in EU. In the thesis the following methods are used: descriptive method, analytical method, the method of statistical analysis, and the method of quality research semi-structured interview. After the creation of the common market, interest groups have become more active, which has been caused by such factors as europeization and euro-integration. Interest groups influence the decisions of EC, EP and ET. EU has a favorable opinion about interest groups, because they help to solve the problem of "the lack of democracy". Interest groups are most active in the stage of the law establishment, when they seek to influence the formation of laws. The sphere where interest groups are most active is EC. By its functions EC plays a key role in the formation of EU policy. EC associates a great deal with interest groups, thus depends on the information supplied by them. EP does not have such functions as EC, consequently is not so important for interest groups. EP becomes an essential agent in the sphere where the procedure of common decision-making is applied. EP's greater powers attract more attention from interest groups. In EU there is no specific act regulating the lobby activity of interest groups. EC seeks to initiate open dialogue with interest groups, applies minimal control and encourages self-regulation. EP applies stricter rules, one of which is the obligation for interest groups to be listed on the register. According to the statistics of the EU registers of interest groups, EU old state-members' organizations have more representation, while EU new state-members' representation is very insufficient. Business and public interest are better represented in EU. The number of interest groups in EU has been growing very rapidly. Due to scarce experience, contacts, intellect and financial resources, Lithuanian organizations are not ready to effectively protect their interests. For this reason, they usually assign their representation to European organizations, involving themselves quite actively in their activity.
The thesis analyzes interaction between EU interest groups and EU institutions. It explains how, why and where interest groups operate, what they represent, and whether the interests of Lithuanian organizations are represented in the European Union. The aim of the thesis is to evaluate interaction of interest groups with EP and EC. In order to reach this objective six tasks have been set. First of all, the activity of EU operating interest groups is considered. Also, the thesis studies the relation of interest groups with the European Commission and the European Parliament, the regulation of the activity of EU interest groups, the registers of EC and EP interest groups, and the representation of Lithuanian organizations in EU. In the thesis the following methods are used: descriptive method, analytical method, the method of statistical analysis, and the method of quality research semi-structured interview. After the creation of the common market, interest groups have become more active, which has been caused by such factors as europeization and euro-integration. Interest groups influence the decisions of EC, EP and ET. EU has a favorable opinion about interest groups, because they help to solve the problem of "the lack of democracy". Interest groups are most active in the stage of the law establishment, when they seek to influence the formation of laws. The sphere where interest groups are most active is EC. By its functions EC plays a key role in the formation of EU policy. EC associates a great deal with interest groups, thus depends on the information supplied by them. EP does not have such functions as EC, consequently is not so important for interest groups. EP becomes an essential agent in the sphere where the procedure of common decision-making is applied. EP's greater powers attract more attention from interest groups. In EU there is no specific act regulating the lobby activity of interest groups. EC seeks to initiate open dialogue with interest groups, applies minimal control and encourages self-regulation. EP applies stricter rules, one of which is the obligation for interest groups to be listed on the register. According to the statistics of the EU registers of interest groups, EU old state-members' organizations have more representation, while EU new state-members' representation is very insufficient. Business and public interest are better represented in EU. The number of interest groups in EU has been growing very rapidly. Due to scarce experience, contacts, intellect and financial resources, Lithuanian organizations are not ready to effectively protect their interests. For this reason, they usually assign their representation to European organizations, involving themselves quite actively in their activity.
The thesis analyzes interaction between EU interest groups and EU institutions. It explains how, why and where interest groups operate, what they represent, and whether the interests of Lithuanian organizations are represented in the European Union. The aim of the thesis is to evaluate interaction of interest groups with EP and EC. In order to reach this objective six tasks have been set. First of all, the activity of EU operating interest groups is considered. Also, the thesis studies the relation of interest groups with the European Commission and the European Parliament, the regulation of the activity of EU interest groups, the registers of EC and EP interest groups, and the representation of Lithuanian organizations in EU. In the thesis the following methods are used: descriptive method, analytical method, the method of statistical analysis, and the method of quality research semi-structured interview. After the creation of the common market, interest groups have become more active, which has been caused by such factors as europeization and euro-integration. Interest groups influence the decisions of EC, EP and ET. EU has a favorable opinion about interest groups, because they help to solve the problem of "the lack of democracy". Interest groups are most active in the stage of the law establishment, when they seek to influence the formation of laws. The sphere where interest groups are most active is EC. By its functions EC plays a key role in the formation of EU policy. EC associates a great deal with interest groups, thus depends on the information supplied by them. EP does not have such functions as EC, consequently is not so important for interest groups. EP becomes an essential agent in the sphere where the procedure of common decision-making is applied. EP's greater powers attract more attention from interest groups. In EU there is no specific act regulating the lobby activity of interest groups. EC seeks to initiate open dialogue with interest groups, applies minimal control and encourages self-regulation. EP applies stricter rules, one of which is the obligation for interest groups to be listed on the register. According to the statistics of the EU registers of interest groups, EU old state-members' organizations have more representation, while EU new state-members' representation is very insufficient. Business and public interest are better represented in EU. The number of interest groups in EU has been growing very rapidly. Due to scarce experience, contacts, intellect and financial resources, Lithuanian organizations are not ready to effectively protect their interests. For this reason, they usually assign their representation to European organizations, involving themselves quite actively in their activity.
There were attempts to develop the defence cooperation between the Nordic states often were interrupted by one or two of the Nordic states. The end of the Cold War opened up opportunities for new defence projects. But the Nordic defence identities which were shaped since the Second World War, remained the same. Therefore, Nordic states had to wait for 20 years for the new common defence cooperation initiative to emerge. Still it is not clear whether it will be successful, because the success of cooperation in the field of defence development depends not only on the overlap of parties' interests, objectives, threats, security, but also on the compatibility of their defence identities compatibility. The object of this paper is the common elements of defence identities of the Nordic states, and the possibility for them to ally. The aim of this paper aim is to distinguish the characteristic features of defence identities of the Nordic states. To achieve the aim the following goals are settled: to define the concept of the defence identity, highlight its essential elements and analytical variables on the basis of constructivist theory of international relations; to single out and examine the essential variables of the defence identities of he Nordic states; to analyze the similarities and differences between defence identities of the Nordic states, to assess the favor on the development of cooperation in the field of defence, and the possibility to construct a collective Nordic defence identity. The hypothesis of this paper proposes that the current defence identities of the Nordic sates are too different to be able to form a collective Nordic defence identity. Whereas the analysis is performed on cultural variables, it is difficult to measure the exact values, therefore only those variables that have implications for collective identity formation and development of defence cooperation are considered. In accordance with logic of constructivism defence identity is a behavioural models, concepts, and expectations related to the use of the military instrument. The main variables that indicate the nature of defence identity are the perception of threats, the goals for the use of force, the way in which force used, preferred mode of cooperation, threshold for domestic and international authorisation, foreign policy objectives and preferred partners in defence cooperation. The opportunities of collective defence identity formation are reflected in the meanings of these variables. The compatibility of the defence identities of the Nordic states is high enough for successful collective defence identity formation. However, the differences of defence identities have a significant negative impact on the successful development of cooperation. Collective Nordic defence identity will not be formed without strong institutions of defence cooperation.
SUMMARY "SEPARATE GROUPS OF WORKERS SAFETY AND HEALTH GUARANTEE" The paper reveals the health and safety guarantee the essence of the concept. Labor law doctrine laid down the principle of unity and differentiation, value, limits on the use of individual categories of workers, which provides for additional safety and health guarantee. Labor laws of such persons are recognized: young people (persons under 18 years of age), pregnant, have recently given birth or are breast-feeding women, the disabled, which leads to additional guarantees for the physiological and / or psychological characteristics. The application of such guarantees only those categories would not ascribable to individuals deemed to be discrimination against the rest. The paper examines the complex national and international statutory health and safety guarantees, compared with the general. Systematic analysis of the Labor Code of the Republic of Lithuania, other legislation granting additional guarantees to young persons, pregnant, have recently given birth or are breast-feeding women and people with disabilities: an employment contract, the contractor at the time - the regulation of labor, leisure time, changing the terms and conditions or changes in working conditions special cases, the transfer of the downtime, as well as the expiry of the contract of employment. Placed on safety and health law implementation issues, the application features. The application of such guarantees only those categories would not ascribable to individual sdeemed to be discrimination against the rest.
SUMMARY "SEPARATE GROUPS OF WORKERS SAFETY AND HEALTH GUARANTEE" The paper reveals the health and safety guarantee the essence of the concept. Labor law doctrine laid down the principle of unity and differentiation, value, limits on the use of individual categories of workers, which provides for additional safety and health guarantee. Labor laws of such persons are recognized: young people (persons under 18 years of age), pregnant, have recently given birth or are breast-feeding women, the disabled, which leads to additional guarantees for the physiological and / or psychological characteristics. The application of such guarantees only those categories would not ascribable to individuals deemed to be discrimination against the rest. The paper examines the complex national and international statutory health and safety guarantees, compared with the general. Systematic analysis of the Labor Code of the Republic of Lithuania, other legislation granting additional guarantees to young persons, pregnant, have recently given birth or are breast-feeding women and people with disabilities: an employment contract, the contractor at the time - the regulation of labor, leisure time, changing the terms and conditions or changes in working conditions special cases, the transfer of the downtime, as well as the expiry of the contract of employment. Placed on safety and health law implementation issues, the application features. The application of such guarantees only those categories would not ascribable to individual sdeemed to be discrimination against the rest.
The fragmented nature of Lithuanian interest group's research allows making limited conclusions about the way the modern Lithuanian interest organizations look. Investigating the aspects of organizational and political behaviour of interest groups, this dissertation seeks to understand the workings of Lithuanian interest groups: what are their main characteristics, how their organizational structure and development look, how strong and varied is their political engagement and, finally, whether and how they differ from one another and what factors determine these differences. The empirical analysis is based on Lithuanian interest group survey carried out in 2016. The empirical investigation revealed that most Lithuanian interest groups are not professionalized, their human resources are poor and organizational structures are underdeveloped. Larger and richer groups are more professionalized as well as those that have legal entity membership. One third of Lithuanian interest groups operate in a narrow niche and are policy specialists. Policy specialization is mostly determined by lower financial resources and weaker internal democracy. While Lithuanian interest groups use a wide range of insider and outsider strategies, they are poorly Europeanised and mostly oriented towards national decision-makers. Lobbying at the EU level is driven by operating in policy areas in which EU has most competence, bigger budgets as well as embeddedness in national political environment.
The fragmented nature of Lithuanian interest group's research allows making limited conclusions about the way the modern Lithuanian interest organizations look. Investigating the aspects of organizational and political behaviour of interest groups, this dissertation seeks to understand the workings of Lithuanian interest groups: what are their main characteristics, how their organizational structure and development look, how strong and varied is their political engagement and, finally, whether and how they differ from one another and what factors determine these differences. The empirical analysis is based on Lithuanian interest group survey carried out in 2016. The empirical investigation revealed that most Lithuanian interest groups are not professionalized, their human resources are poor and organizational structures are underdeveloped. Larger and richer groups are more professionalized as well as those that have legal entity membership. One third of Lithuanian interest groups operate in a narrow niche and are policy specialists. Policy specialization is mostly determined by lower financial resources and weaker internal democracy. While Lithuanian interest groups use a wide range of insider and outsider strategies, they are poorly Europeanised and mostly oriented towards national decision-makers. Lobbying at the EU level is driven by operating in policy areas in which EU has most competence, bigger budgets as well as embeddedness in national political environment.
The fragmented nature of Lithuanian interest group's research allows making limited conclusions about the way the modern Lithuanian interest organizations look. Investigating the aspects of organizational and political behaviour of interest groups, this dissertation seeks to understand the workings of Lithuanian interest groups: what are their main characteristics, how their organizational structure and development look, how strong and varied is their political engagement and, finally, whether and how they differ from one another and what factors determine these differences. The empirical analysis is based on Lithuanian interest group survey carried out in 2016. The empirical investigation revealed that most Lithuanian interest groups are not professionalized, their human resources are poor and organizational structures are underdeveloped. Larger and richer groups are more professionalized as well as those that have legal entity membership. One third of Lithuanian interest groups operate in a narrow niche and are policy specialists. Policy specialization is mostly determined by lower financial resources and weaker internal democracy. While Lithuanian interest groups use a wide range of insider and outsider strategies, they are poorly Europeanised and mostly oriented towards national decision-makers. Lobbying at the EU level is driven by operating in policy areas in which EU has most competence, bigger budgets as well as embeddedness in national political environment.
The fragmented nature of Lithuanian interest group's research allows making limited conclusions about the way the modern Lithuanian interest organizations look. Investigating the aspects of organizational and political behaviour of interest groups, this dissertation seeks to understand the workings of Lithuanian interest groups: what are their main characteristics, how their organizational structure and development look, how strong and varied is their political engagement and, finally, whether and how they differ from one another and what factors determine these differences. The empirical analysis is based on Lithuanian interest group survey carried out in 2016. The empirical investigation revealed that most Lithuanian interest groups are not professionalized, their human resources are poor and organizational structures are underdeveloped. Larger and richer groups are more professionalized as well as those that have legal entity membership. One third of Lithuanian interest groups operate in a narrow niche and are policy specialists. Policy specialization is mostly determined by lower financial resources and weaker internal democracy. While Lithuanian interest groups use a wide range of insider and outsider strategies, they are poorly Europeanised and mostly oriented towards national decision-makers. Lobbying at the EU level is driven by operating in policy areas in which EU has most competence, bigger budgets as well as embeddedness in national political environment.
