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Cover -- quartino -- Table of Contents -- Introduction. The Renewed Attention for the Protection of the Cultural Expressions in Crisis Areas -- Countering the Illicit Trafficking of Cultural Property. Implementation Experience in Argentina -- SESSION 1 Protecting Cultural Heritage to Maintain International Peace and Security: Key Points -- Antiquities Trafficking and Conflict Financing: The Fight Against Looting and Smuggling of Cultural Property Goods in a Global Perspective of Peace -- Assistance by Peacekeeping Forces to Protection of Cultural Heritage and International Criminal Responsibility -- SESSION 2 Protecting Diversity of Cultural Expression and Cultural Heritage to Maintain International Peace and Security: Contemporary Issues -- Cultural Protection Policy in the Syrian Arab Republic An International Law Perspective -- Contrasto del terrorismo e protezione dei beni e delle espressioni culturali: l'esperienza della Tunisia -- Cultural Heritage in Oman Forts, Castles and Fortifications as Models -- SESSION 3 Peacekeeping and Protection of Diversity of Cultural Expression and Cultural Heritage -- UN Security Council Approaches to the Global Safeguarding of Cultural Heritage: An Evolving Role in Preventing the Illicit Traffic of Cultural Objects -- Closing Remarks -- The Protection of Cultural Heritagein the Context of the Maintenance of Peaceand Security: The Way Ahead -- After the Workshop Steps Forwards -- Exploitation of Natural Resources in Timesof Armed Conflict: The Contributionof the United Nations and Peace Operationsin Addressing Resource-Related Conflicts -- The Relationship Between the Protection of Tangible and Intangible Cultural Heritage under International Law -- Reflecting on the Intentional Destruction of Cultural Heritage as a War Crime in Light of the ICC Judgement in the Al Mahdi Case -- Cultural Genocide

The book aims to reflect on the characteristics of urban centers of the kingdom of Italy between the ninth and the eleventh centuries, filling a noticeable historiographical gap. The cities in Northern Italy in this period have not yet been analysed with a multidisciplinary approach, able to outline their specific and distinctive characteristics and to relate this particular period both to the post-Roman past and also to the following Communal phase. Urban identities are examined from different points of view: from a political perspective, in relation to the dialectic between center, periphery and to the border areas of the kingdom; from an institutional and territorial standing point, analyzing the structures of local power and public territorializations; according to social and military history approaches, highlighting the continuities and transformations in comparison with former and following centuries. The issue of urban identities is also investigated archaeologically, in relation to urban development and to topographic transformations, and culturally explored, examining mutual exchanges between the cities of the kingdom. Another aspect rarely addressed by previous literature is ultimately to compare the results of this research on the Italic kingdom with studies on the Transalpine Carolingian and post-Carolingian empire and kingdoms, outlining common trends, but also specific peculiarities

From its colonial history, the twin-island state of Trinidad and Tobago inherited a uniquely diverse population of 1.3 million, including descendants of East Indians, Africans, Chinese, Syrians and Lebanese, French, Spanish, Portuguese and British, among others. The legacy of the British divide et impera, paired with the perceived ethnic diversity, has been marking and re-producing a deep "Us vs. Them" division, especially between the two major ethnic groups of East Indians (35.4%) and Africans (34.2%). For over forty years, the two ethnic groups have been struggling for political control through census counts and voting along ethnic lines. Although elections in the country have always served as "the critical arbiter in adjudicating the rival claims by the main ethno-cultural communities for power and privilege" (Premdas 2004: 19), the 2010 General Election seemed to have marked a turning point in the history of the nation. On May 24th, Trinidad and Tobago elected Kamla Persad-Bissessar, its first female Prime Minister and only the second person of East Indian origin to hold the PM office in 48 years of independence. Breaking out of the country's rigid bipolar political mould, Persad-Bissessar won as the leader of the People's Partnership, a new coalition party that comprised both East Indian and African political forces and movements. She defeated Patrick Manning's People's National Movement and succeeded in winning 29 seats out of the 41 in the House of Representatives. Taking this unprecedented political success as its starting point, this dissertation explores the discursive and political strategies behind Persad-Bissessar's election, analyzing a large corpus of textual and visual data from the People's Partnership campaign. The starting assumption is that Persad-Bissessar broadened her electorate not only by presenting a carefully engineered coalition party but also by discursively positing a new, inclusive identity space throughout the campaign and advocating a politics of inter-ethnic harmony in the country. Therefore, I set to analyze how Persad-Bissessar engaged in a multi-levelled discursive construction of identities, defining her role as the first woman PM candidate in the history of the country, legitimizing her coalition solution to political tribalisms, as well as fostering a wider national sense of belonging. As political communication has increasingly grown beyond the realm of verbal language, understanding Persad-Bissessar's political meaning-making required both the analysis of her election speeches as well as the study of a number of multimodal texts, such as video and printed ads as well as official portraits, which played a crucial role in the political advertising of her coalition. Within a Critical Discourse Analysis framework, I will combine the 'Discourse-Historical Approach' (Wodak and Meyer 2009) for the analysis of Persad-Bissessar's textual data and Kress and van Leeuwen's (1996) 'Visual Grammar' for the analysis of the visual data. Although the English-speaking Caribbean is home to the largest set of continuing democracies among postcolonial countries around the globe, political discourse from the archipelago is yet to receive adequate scholarly attention. The analysis of political discourse in Trinidad and Tobago has the potential to shed light on the complexities, struggles and contradictions of the postcolonial Trinidad and Tobago by integrating knowledge about historical sources and the social and political environment within which discourse as social practice is embedded. Starting from the analysis of political discourse, this work aims at offering a new, discursive perspective on ethnicity, identity and power in Trinidad and Tobago as well as increasing scholarly awareness for the development of a critical interpretative stance for political texts and talks beyond the Euro-American zone.

This paper aims to re-read Roman-Barbarian ethnicity as a cultural construct not least based on Biblical models viewed and interpreted as founded as well as authoritative instruments of self-definition. The study intends to overturn the traditional historiographical paradigm, according to which ethnicity emerges as a purely "Barbaric" construction in opposition to the Christian-Roman universalism. Starting from such a model, European history was often represented as a conflict between universalistic and nationalistic issues. According to A.'s analysis, the political role of ethnicity in Latin Europe doesn't emerge, at least partially, as a Barbarian "import". Far from representing an antithesis to the Universal Church, ethnicity assumes its politic role through Christianity and, more specifically, on the basis of exegesis as well as of re-adaptation of ethnic self-definitions well attested in Biblical texts. ; Il contributo rilegge l'etnicità romano-barbarica come costruzione culturale fondata in parte sulla rilettura e sulla riappropriazione di modelli biblici intesi come strumenti fondanti e autorevoli. Lo studio tenta di capovolgere il paradigma tradizionale secondo cui l'etnicità sarebbe un portato prettamente "barbarico", in opposizione all'universalismo cristiano-romano. Seguendo questo modello, la storia europea è spesso stata rappresentata come un conflitto tra principi universali e nazionali. Secondo l'A. il ruolo politico dell'etnicità nell'Europa latina non va considerato, almeno in una certa misura, come un'importazione barbarica. Lungi dal rappresentare un'antitesi alla chiesa universale, l'etnicità assume il suo ruolo politico decisivo proprio attraverso il cristianesimo e, più in particolare, attraverso la ripresa e l'adattamento di taluni modelli di auto-definizione etnica presenti nei testi biblici.

The Federal Republic of Germany has developed a model of integration and assimilation of refugees and economic migrants, which for decades was a model for other European countries and the European Union (EU ). This was possible thanks to the consensus between the main political forces in the country, which, despite the natural alternation of power, do not undermine the main objectives of both foreign policy as well as internal, including the approach to immigrants. The situation changed after 2011 and the events in North Africa, known as the Arab Spring, the consequence of which was a massive influx of refugees and immigrants to Germany. This article examines the position of the main political parties in relation to the refugee crisis. ; Republika Federalna Niemiec (RFN) wypracowała model integracji i asymilacji uchodźców i imigrantów zarobkowych, który przez dziesięciolecia stanowił wzór dla innych państw europejskich i Unii Europejskiej (UE ). Było to możliwe dzięki konsensusowi pomiędzy głównymi siłami politycznymi w kraju, które, mimo naturalnej alternacji władzy, nie podważały głównych założeń zarówno polityki zagranicznej, jak też wewnętrznej, w tym kwestii podejścia do imigrantów. Sytuacja uległa zmianie po 2011 r. i wydarzeniach w Afryce Północnej, zwanych arabską wiosną, których konsekwencją stał się masowy napływ uchodźców i imigrantów do Niemiec. W artykule przeanalizowane zostaną stanowiska głównych partii politycznych w odniesieniu do kryzysu uchodźczego.

The aim of this article is to look at the political reality of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the perspective of borderlands understood as a result of political action, an area in which they are expressed, but at the same time are the driving force of these processes. Identities of borderlands play a significant role in shaping political reality in the UK. Their diversity, the strength of their interests' articulation, participation in political rivalry, although it was not the only factor, have determined the current political system of the state to a large extent. At the same time the impact of political transformations on changes in the identities is noticeable. More and more of them, in addition to their own national/regional identification, also indicates the relationship with the United Kingdom as a whole, which suggests that devolution rather strengthens the state, than leads towards disintegration, although such a risk exists in reality. ; Celem artykułu jest spojrzenie na rzeczywistość polityczną Zjednoczonego Królestwa Wielkiej Brytanii i Irlandii Północnej z perspektywy pogranicza. Jest ono rezultatem działań politycznych, obszarem, w którym znajdują one swój wyraz, ale i na zasadzie sprzężenia zwrotnego są siłą napędową tych procesów. Tożsamości pogranicza w Wielkiej Brytanii odgrywają znaczącą rolę w kształtowaniu rzeczywistości politycznej. Ich zróżnicowanie, siła artykulacji interesów, uczestnictwo w rywalizacji politycznej, w dużej mierze, choć nie był to czynnik jedyny, przesądziły o obecnym kształcie ustrojowym państwa. Jednocześnie zauważalny jest, subtelny na razie, wpływ przeobrażeń ustrojowych na zmiany tożsamości. Coraz więcej mieszkańców, obok identyfikacji narodowej /regionalnej, wskazuje także na związki z Wielką Brytanią jako całością, co świadczy o tym, że Zjednoczone Królestwo, dzieląc się władzą raczej umacnia państwo niż prowadzi je ku rozpadowi, choć takie ryzyko przy dewolucji w brytyjskich warunkach istnieje.

La ricerca affronta il rapporto tra il Partito comunista italiano e le organizzazioni della sinistra extraparlamentare nate nel biennio 1968-1969. Sulla base di documentazione d'archivio e fonti a stampa, vengono ricostruite ed analizzate le relazioni tra questi due soggetti nel periodo compreso tra la fine degli anni Sessanta e la metà del decennio successivo, quando i principali gruppi politici della sinistra extraparlamentare si dotarono di una struttura organizzativa più stabile che segnava una discontinuità con l'esperienza precedente. Nel corso della prima metà degli anni Settanta, i rapporti tra il PCI e queste organizzazioni furono complessi e talvolta contraddittori. Il conflitto si consumò prevalentemente sulla reciproca pretesa di possedere l'esclusiva rappresentanza politica del fermento sociale che attraversava il paese in quegli anni: il PCI rappresentando se stesso come l'unica forza politica capace di mediare tra movimenti sociali e istituzioni; i gruppi della sinistra parlamentare come «avanguardie» di un irrealizzabile progetto «rivoluzionario». ; The aim of the research is to reconstruct and interpret the relationship between the Italian Communist Party and the Radical Left-Wing Groups in Italy from 1969 to 1976. Based on researches in the archives of the Italian Communist Party, Ministry of Interior and small archives that conserve unpublished documents of the groups, the paper will focus on the constant attention and monitoring that the Italian Communist Party addressed to the extreme left groups and on how those political organizations have been changed their approach and strategy toward the PCI during this period. During the first half of the Seventies, the relationship between the PCI and these organizations were complex and sometimes contradictory. The conflict was consumed mainly on the mutual claim to possess the exclusive political representation of the social unrest that crossed the country in those years: the PCI representing himself as the only political force capable of mediating between social movements and institutions; the Radical Left-Wing Groups as «avant-garde» of a unfeasible «revolutionary» project.