Suchergebnisse

With worldwide progress, development and diversification come tensions between individual, local, national, and global identities, and the fight for equality and justice and opposition to discrimination. Iran is no different, but little has been written about the historical, current, and future identities of Iran's ethnic groups. This study looks at the Azeris, Kurds, Arabs, and Baloch alongside the Persian ethnic identity, which is predominant in modern Iran and which many claim is upheld politically and socially as the ideal for a future, collective Iranian ethnic identity, promoting discrimination against different ethnic identities. This theory is grounded by conducting and analysing in-depth questionnaires across 13 Iranian provinces in relation to religious, local, and national identities; inter-ethnic cultural borders; hindrances to progressive movements; the purging of certain ethnic cultures; and possible steps to resolve crises. Some data has been extracted from the author's recently published book, From Border to Border: Comprehensive research study on identity and ethnicity in Iran. This data presents practical steps to achieving stable, equitable and sustainable cultural, social, economic, legal, and political conditions in Iran, based on the results of questionnaires. Taken into consideration is the realization of economic, socio-cultural, and political justice and indiscriminate social welfare, promoting interethnic solidarity and justice in the media, separating the legal and political systems from religious and ethno-centric thought in acknowledgement of the diversity of religious identities in Iran, and implementing the pending articles of the Constitution.

Modern business groups have a powerful impact on the economic development of both developed and developing countries making it relevant to study the economic foundations of the success of these institutional structures. The article provides a systematization of international and national experience in the functioning of internal capital markets of business groups that can become one of most important strategic advantages of business groups by providing member companies with "exclusive" opportunities for efficient redistribution of intragroup funds. The methodological base of the study incorporates methods of systematization as well as statistical and comparative analysis. The study shows that business groups make a significant contribution to industrial production and, representing a large part of corporate sector (in terms of number of participants, industry coverage, size of assets, profits and market capitalization), play a significant role in the economic development of various countries. Internal capital markets of business groups are used to mitigate financing constraints and rescue weak member-companies, thus, help maintain and further strengthen the positions of integrated structures. Drawing on a wide range of empirical studies, the article highlights key effects of the redistribution of group financial resources in the context of three fundamental motives of controlling owners. The study demonstrates that under the current economic conditions Russian companies affiliated with business groups are imposed with more prerequisites to use internal capital markets to overcome external financing deficit. Estimated amounts of funds involved in financial transactions with related parties confirm the thesis on the growing role of Russian business groups' internal capital markets in corporate financing activities. Results and conclusions of this paper can be applied in practice by consultants and financial managers seeking to improve the funding of companies affiliated with both Russian and foreign business groups.

In article spiritual and moral features of youth leaders and their influence on followers are analyzed. We present the results of researches of the author of youth leadership dynamics. We show the results of empir-ical research of qualities inherent in youth leaders and results of studying of youth destructive leadership.

Статья посвящена проблеме выявления стратегических групп на рынке бизнес-образования. Авторами проведен систематический обзор публикаций по теме. Объект исследования в этих работах - развитые рынки бизнес-образования США и Западной Европы, предмет исследования - группы относительно однородных учреждений образования, демонстрирующих близкое стратегическое поведение (для их обозначения используется термин «стратегические группы»). Разделение участников рынка на стратегические группы для исследователей является основой для выявления факторов эффективности в соответствующих группах, а для руководителей учреждений образования и регуляторов рынка - предпосылкой построения содержательно интерпретируемых ранкингов (упорядоченных приоритетных списков) и рейтингов (сравнительных числовых оценок) школ. Целью работы является выявление тенденций в изменении подходов к группировке школ и факторов, которые кладутся в ее основу. Результаты анализа свидетельствуют о том, что имеет место перенос исследователями акцента с характеристик предлагаемых школами образовательных программ на позиционирование школ в широкой социальной и образовательной среде. Уровень стратегического анализа при этом растет, но обсуждение темы остается фрагментированным и охватывает лишь часть рынков бизнес-образования.

National identities, considered a guarantee of successful development, were among the priorities for the five newly independent states that emerged in the territory of what used to be the Soviet Central Asia and Kazakhstan-the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, the Republic of Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and the Republic of Uzbekistan. The process began when the Soviet Union still existed: the Soviet Central Asian republics and Kazakhstan adopted laws on language that allowed the Central Asian elites to pass decisions related to the languages used by titular nations. In the post-Soviet years the language policy moved to the fore as one of the key aspects of the gradually emerging national identities treated with special attention at the state level. No matter how similar the processes were, no matter how close the cultures and traditions, each of the Central Asian countries chose its own road, fine-tuned to the specifics of their domestic contexts and the interests of the elites in power. The processes unfolded in full compliance with social continuity, traditions, culture and national languages that survived under Soviet rule. The republics, however, had to take into account the national minorities, including the Russian-speaking populations, in all post-Soviet republics. Inherited from Soviet times, the Russian language was dominant in all of the Central Asian republics, and even preserved much of its influence in the newly independent post-Soviet Central Asian states. This means that they should have opted for a relatively balanced language policy up to and including the continual stage-by-stage contraction of the spheres in which Russian was predominantly used. For obvious reasons they could not push aside their trade and economic relations with Russia and ignore the role of the Soviet cultural and educational heritage. This cushioned the political effects of the Soviet Union's disintegration, partially limited the role of nationalist parties in the newly independent states and helped preserve their educational potential. Shaping national identities in the post-Soviet Central Asian countries was not a smooth, let alone easy, process: societies were far from homogenous, while the regions found it hard to agree to more or less reasonable compromises. This became especially apparent in Kyrgyzstan, which was divided into the southern and northern parts; in Kazakhstan, where the local society was divided into zhuzes; in Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, where clans carried a lot of political weight. Thus the elites in power in all of the Central Asian states had no choice but to take into account very different or even clashing interests of informal groups and clans, and tune their policies accordingly. This means that the road towards national identities was far from simple: it meandered between contradictory trends and interests. This also explains the centuries-old mechanism of governance, namely, regional-clan approaches to various problems, which was in place in all of the Central Asian countries, functioning outside the party and state structures. While paying lip service to Communist ideology, leaders of the Central Asian republics invariably took the clan balance of power into account. From the very first days of independence, the Central Asian leaders remained loyal to the conceptual approach to national identities: they concentrated on historical heritage, culture, traditions and national language, the key element of national identity. Despite the fairly long history of their independence, the problem of national identity remains prominent in all of the Central Asian countries. It is intertwined with the problem of the emergence of statehood and development of political systems and the radical geopolitical shifts occurring against the background of mounting economic problems. This cannot but affect the situation in the Central Asian countries in which the process of shaping national identities has not yet been completed.

Siyasi partilerin Meclis grupları, o partilerin Mecliste sahip oldukları asgari bir sayıda milletvekillerinden oluşan gruplardır. Gruplar, partiden ayrı bir örgüt olmayıp partinin Meclis'teki uzantısı olarak görülmektedir ve TBMM faaliyetlerinde yasama işlevinin bir parçası olmaları gerekmektedir. Ancak, günümüzde grup toplantıları bu görünümden oldukça uzaktır. Grupların işlevsizliği, yasama organının yetkisini daraltmış ve yasama yetkisinin kullanımında inisiyatifin Meclis'ten çıkıp parti Genel Başkanlarının ve merkez organlarının eline geçmesine neden olmuştur. TBMM İçtüzüğü incelendiğinde, Anayasa'nın 95/2. maddesi gereği grupçu bir anlayışın hakim olduğu ortaya çıkmaktadır. TBMM'de grup kurma hakkını elde eden partiler yasama faaliyetlerine daha etkin katılabilme hakkına sahip olmakta ve Anayasa ve İçtüzük'ten kaynaklanan birtakım ayrıcalıklar da elde etmektedirler. Ayrıca siyasi parti grupları, parlamenter sistemin etkisiyle meclislerde yasama işlevinin başrol oyuncuları haline gelmişlerdir. Parlamenter sistemlerde hükümetin parlamentodaki çoğunluğa dayanması ve parlamentoya karşı sorumlu olması kuraldır. Parlamento çoğunluğu hükümete karşı güvensizlik oyu verdiği zaman artık hükümet görevine devam edemeyecektir. Bu nedenle demokratik parlamenter rejim açısından, özellikle iktidar partileri gruplarına hakim olmak durumundadırlar. Ancak dozu iyi ayarlanmayan bir disiplin parti içi demokrasiyi de yok edebilmektedir. Günümüzde milletvekillerinin geneli yasama ve denetim çalışmalarına kendi özgür iradelerini yansıtamamakta, parti grubunun aldığı kararları onaylamaktan öte katkı sağlayamamaktadırlar. Gruplar bağlayıcı grup kararları ile milletvekillerinin iradelerine ipotek koymaktadır. Bu Kararlara aykırı davranan milletvekilleri de ya partiden ihraç edilmekte veya sonraki genel seçimlerde aday gösterilmeyerek cezalandırılmaktadır. Parlamentonun yasama ve denetim faaliyetinin daha etkin ve işlevsel olabilmesi için grupların milletvekilleri üzerindeki baskıcı ve yönlendirici denetimi azaltılmalı ve milletvekillerinin özgür iradeleri doğrultusunda rahatça hareket edebilmeleri sağlanmalıdır. ; The National Assembly groups of the political parties are not considered as a seperate organisation but they are seen as a party?s extended part and they must be a part of the legislative function which is amongst The TGNA?s activities. But in our day, group meetings are far away from this view. The functionlessness of the groups has narrowed the legislature authority and caused the initiative of the usage of the authority belonging to the legislature to get out of the hands of of the legislature to the leaders and central offices of the parties. When the interior rules and regulations of The TGNA are studied, it can be seen that a group work concept is supreme as mentioned in the article 95/2. Parties obtained the right to form a group in The TGNA, get the right to join the legislative activities more effectively and have some privileges arising from the Constitution and the internal rules and regulations of the TGNA. Separately, groups of Political parties, with the influence of the parliamentary system, has become the main actors of the legislative work in National Assemblies. In Parliamentary systems, it is a rule that the government depends on the majority in the national assembly and the government is responsible to the parliament. If the majority of the parliament pass a vote of non confidence, the government will not be able to continue its duty. Because of this fact, from the point of view of the democratic parliamentary regime, especially the parties in power must rule to their groups. But a miscalculated discipline could also destroy the internal democracy in a party. In our day, deputies generally cannot reflect their private personal wills to the legislative and inspection studies and they cannot contribute any further than approving the resolutions decided by the party group. The groups create a mortgage on the wills of the deputies with obliging group decisions. Deputies who act contrary to these decisions are either exported from the party or punished by not having candidacy in the next elections. In order to have the legislative and inspection activities of the parliament more effective and functional, the strict and orientating control of the groups on deputies should be reduced and the ability of the deputies to be able to act according to their private will should be provided.

Over the last few decades, immigrant adaptation issues have continued to bear relevance both in Russia and around the world. Those who relocated to new places of residence no longer attach themselves to one place (locale), nation (state-civil community), or culture, which, of course, takes a toll on their self-perception and adaptation – this creates new opportunity and new dimensions in terms of identity. This mostly applies to civil, ethnic and local identities, due to their complex nature and their proportion between the country of origin and host environment. Both foreign and Russian researchers recognize the importance of studying immigrant identities, which is regarded as one of the components of their capacity for integration. This article considers the proportion of Russian identity, identity of country of origin, as well as local and ethnic identities of Azerbaijani immigrants living in Russia. Their readiness to transform their self-consciousness, with it being a key indicator of their integration into Russian society, is analyzed. This study's empirical basis consists of data from an all-Russian survey among labor immigrants, conducted by the HSE and CEPRS in 19 Russian regions in 2017, as well as data from semi-structured interviews with Azerbaijani immigrants living in Moscow, which helped identify situational factors in their hierarchy of identities and understand the foundations on which their self-consciousness is based. Analyzed is how immigrants' identity structure is influenced by age and place of residence, education level, type of immigration and duration of stay in Russia. It was revealed, based on in-depth interviews, that Russian identity among Azerbaijanis is based around a state-civil foundation, while in the case of elder generations it is based around their having been a common nation in the past. A conclusion is drawn indicating a transnational direction in Azerbaijani immigrants' identity, with ethnic identity prevailing, which fits in favorably with a developing sense of connection to Russia both among circular and long-term migrants. In relation to comparable studies conducted in 2011, analyzed are the increasingly more positive assessments of the host Russian environment by Azerbaijani immigrants, which, in our estimation, creates a favorable foundation for developing a positive Russian identity among them.

Events held by libraries under the guise of state national policy bear special meaning for the republic of Bashkortostan. Libraries are gradually transforming into centers where one can not only read literature, but also receive complementary services and spend their free time productively. The extent to which this idea is implemented in all of Bashkortostan's libraries depends on funding. This article attempts to understand the influence of libraries on forming the identities of readers. The central Zeki Velidi Togan National Library, as well as district libraries numbers 23 and 4 served as the object for our research. The design of each of these libraries primarily serves national (Bashkortostani) identity, while possessing certain foreign elements (Ufa, Russian, Soviet, Bashkir). A common trend appears to be the stable abundance of books about Salavat Yulaev – one of the symbols of the republic. Compared to the others, the central library holds considerably more events than any district library. Most events held by the central library are aimed at developing and sustaining Bashkir identity. Bashkir language is used during many gatherings, while the primary audience of thematic evenings is comprised of Bashkirs (there tend to be less Tatars Потенциал библиотек в формировании идентичностей читателей (на примере Уфы) 53 № 4, Том 10, 2019 and Russians present at these events). Ufa, Tatar and religious identities are almost completely absent from the events conducted by the National library. District libraries work in several directions simultaneously: working with troubled youth, moral education, local history, fields such as aesthetics, ecology etc. Evens held by district libraries are more diverse and correlate with the holiday calendar. Both district libraries evaluated provide books in several languages, however, the bulk of those books are written in Russian. Meanwhile books in Bashkir and Tatar are in somewhat less demand, due to their irrelevance (they are mostly read by national language students and teachers, of which there are not too many), and a lack of popular literature written in national languages.

Introduction: The article considers motivation for migration of Russian-speaking groups who came to Germany from the territory of the former USSR countries. The article focuses on the analysis of ethnically privileged migrant groups - late migrants (Russian Germans) and quota refugees (Russian Jews) who came to Germany in the period of the late 1980s to mid-2000s. The aim of the research is to reveal the main reasons for and motives of the Russian-speaking group migration from the post-Soviet republics. The authors focus on the migration motives which have not been fully described, shown or analyzed in foreign research works, thus, enabling the readers to broaden their view on the migration of Russian-speaking groups to Germany. Methods: The research is based on qualitative methodology using the method of thematically-centered interview. The selection was done by the "snowball" method. Analysis: The authors carried out a comparative analysis of several research works with the results of the project conducted with Russian-speaking groups in Munich in 2005-2006 and 2011. The analyzed basis makes 43 interviews. The paper discusses the most questionable aspects regarding the ascertainment of the motivations of Russian Germans and Russian Jews for moving to Germany; it also compares the groups and reveals common features of migratory background characteristics to both of them. The paper gives special attention to ethnic motivations of migration which turn to be both pushing and pulling factors for both Russian-speaking groups. It also compares interpretations of significance of ethnicity and ethnic discrimination being the reasons for migration of Russian Germans and Russian Jews in the research works analyzed here. Results: The hypothesis is that after the USSR split ethnic discrimination of both groups may be considered on the basis of "wrong" ethnicity in the countries of exodus. The conclusion is drawn that discrimination on ethnic basis cannot be the main reason for migration of Russian Germans and Russian Jews to Germany. It is more probable that in the case of Russian-speaking groups we deal with "drifting" ethnicity which may be suggested to or imposed on individuals. The data presented in the article may be of great interest for improving the state policy of this country towards compatriots from abroad and working out migratory regulations.