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A number of interpreters & critics have often complained that Rawls's concept of the individual contains an element of schizophrenia. How is it possible that privately a person is a staunch believer in a moral doctrine, while publicly adopting the principles of political liberalism? The author tries to show how Rawls's concept of the overlapping consensus might avoid this objection. The paper brings two major critiques of Rawls's overlapping consensus: Gray's & Barry's. John Gray claims that the very pursuit of such a consensus is illusory; instead, he advocates a modus vivendi. According to him, the consensus promoted by Rawls is unfeasible even in the US due to the emergence of the so-called "moral majority," & the fact that a huge portion of the population practices rather bigoted variants of Christianity. Brian Barry criticizes Rawls because of his renunciation of his original position, which is apparent in his problematic search for the support from comprehensive doctrines. This maneuver is ill-advised, as it is hard to believe that those citizens who are ardent partisans of a comprehensive doctrine might simply "graft" political liberalism upon it & then, in case of a conflict between their concepts of the good & the justice that political liberalism requires, accept the primacy of justice. The author claims that these criticisms could not be refuted had Rawls believed that the overlapping consensus might be realized in the near future. Rawls, however, is not unrealistic; he only provides arguments why such a consensus might be possible. Rawls finds the grounds for his optimism in the belief that just institutions drastically advance the sense of justice. This means that those who would in the future embrace the overlapping consensus would not have to be schizophrenic after all. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author claims that in Hegel's Philosophy of Law there are two convergent, overlapping, & concurrent tendencies. The first asserts that the state is such a condition of society in which the universal will of citizens is paramount. It is the sole source of positive law, since only the state warrants the laws that do not do injustice to its subjects. In this theory, the state is considered an ideal universal entity, adjusted to the speculative shifts of auto-reflection. The second claims that as the rational state, the state is a union of different interests, providing good life for its citizens. The principle of their union is a particular benefit; not self-determination as the absolute principle but mutual compromise, mutual achievement & relatively equal contribution that creates interdependence. These two tendencies have entirely defined the understanding of the state in the German cultural space: at one time it is an ideal association among reflective individuals, & at other an apparatus of power. These two abstract solutions may only be overcome via a forceful democratic mediation of the civil society. Adapted from the source document.

The author is of the opinion that with the fall of the Berlin wall, not all obstacles to the free circulation of goods & people were eliminated -- either in Europe or in other regions of the world -- since there are numerous other walls standing in the way of establishing a global world or even a European order. In that context, agreement among the members of the European Union on the comprehensive control of "its borders" against nonmember European countries is considered by the author as a type of new "curtain," not "iron" any longer, but electronic. Its function, the author claims, is to divide Europe into EU & non-EU, which is harmful for the promotion of the European idea in the spiritual & material senses in many ways. Adapted from the source document.

This contribution to the discussion about Dag Strpic's book Karl Marx and the Political Economy of Modernity focuses on the author's assessment that the weakening of US economic hegemony is questionable, especially with regard to the future prospects of capitalism (and its development), and prefers to speak of a "redesign" thereof. Accordingly, this article analyses in detail three aspects of capitalism redesign: the causal, the contingent and the functional aspects. Regarding causality, the partial redistribution of leading roles in world economy is caused by the introduction of new methods, from industrial and media technology to financial speculations and new wars -- which make profit-making possible. Regarding contingency, the shift in the centre provides opportunity for a small number of countries, such as China, India and Brazil, which are endowed with capitalist "talent" (in the sense of combining the policy of resource mobilization with elements of positive evaluation of labour in the local culture), to climb the ladder of successful development. The functional aspects indicate the favourable effects of the shift in the centre not only for newcomers to the club of the most developed, but also to the USA. The financialization of (primarily American) economy, along with giving over leadership to other industrial powers in many branches of industrial production, and in the rate of economic growth -- i.e. with a "new division of labour" in the centre -- gives to the US some sort of "aristocratic" status in the world of capitalism. Such a status is not incompatible with the cyclic process of capitalism development. Instead of a dialectical leap toward socialism, it rather aspires to a partial restoration of feudalism, as a global order of strong states in the centre and weak or apparent states on the margins. This, however, is not the worst possible ending of modern history. If a much more pronounced decline of US economic power in favour of the newcomers were to occur, this would probably strengthen the brutality of capitalism rather than weaken it. Provided that, in the EU, the trend of further decomposition of the welfare state is stopped, and the indispensable balance between the requirements of economic growth and of social solidarity and general well-being is restored, only a genuine and comprehensive "Europeanization" of the capitalist system could make possible the emergence of a global capitalism with a human face, and probably also of a world state which would provide for a balanced development of all parts of the world. Adapted from the source document.

The article presents the research tradition of interpretive policy analysis. After the academic context from which it can be understood is sketched & important theoretical influences which shape its theoretical field are roughly identified, arguments from the works of its main authors, establishing interpretive policy analysis as a paradigm for public policy research, are presented. With the help of categories of ontology, epistemology & methodology, its main characteristics are then schematized. In the end, the question from the article's heading is answered. It is concluded that equating interpretive policy analysis with the political program of deliberative democracy is not necessary & probably not advisable as well. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The article brings up the basic issues of comparative public policy, a separate research orientation in contemporary political science. First, the principal works that have defined this research discipline are looked into. The contributions of two subdisciplines of contemporary political science -- public policy & political economy -- are highlighted. The second part of the article investigates the fundamental methodological issues, synthesized into two basic dilemmas: what should be understood under the term government activity, & how it is possible to measure this performance. The author is of the opinion that most works from the field of comparative public policy are largely devoted to the comparison of governments' financial activities, which are the easiest to measure due to a broad accessibility of the data on public expenditure, public sector growth, unemployment, etc. Referring to the Canadian author Louis Imbeau, the author stresses the need for a broader understanding of comparative public policy that would include those comparisons that do not exclusively rely on governments' financial activities. 2 Tables, 34 References. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of this article, through an analysis of Veljko Vujacic's text & other pamphlets & manifestos by the Serbian political elite, was to show that the Serbian elite & the Serbian society have not got rid of their nationalist bias in explaining the events that led to the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. They claim that the main culprit for this failure was the communist national policy & the failure to use adequate means (meaning Rankovie's technology of violence) in order to preserve the unity of the state. The second part of the article serves to demonstrate how Weber's view on the politics of power does not suffice to explain away the bolshevist & the communist form of the populist Serbian nationalism. The moment when the former Yugoslav political elite split into the anticommunist & anticentralist on the one hand, & the bolshevist & the centralist on the other, there was no possibility for a compromise. The third part suggests that Vujacic (& not only he) thinks that a way of overcoming the Serbian "dominant" nationalism is the catharsis of Serbian intellectuals & the Serbian society. However, as the latest events & proclamations of the Serbian elite show, his is a solitary case. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of this article, through an analysis of Veljko Vujacic's text & other pamphlets & manifestos by the Serbian political elite, was to show that the Serbian elite & the Serbian society have not got rid of their nationalist bias in explaining the events that led to the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. They claim that the main culprit for this failure was the communist national policy & the failure to use adequate means (meaning Rankovie's technology of violence) in order to preserve the unity of the state. The second part of the article serves to demonstrate how Weber's view on the politics of power does not suffice to explain away the bolshevist & the communist form of the populist Serbian nationalism. The moment when the former Yugoslav political elite split into the anticommunist & anticentralist on the one hand, & the bolshevist & the centralist on the other, there was no possibility for a compromise. The third part suggests that Vujacic (& not only he) thinks that a way of overcoming the Serbian "dominant" nationalism is the catharsis of Serbian intellectuals & the Serbian society. However, as the latest events & proclamations of the Serbian elite show, his is a solitary case. Adapted from the source document.

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVAU prošlome dvobroju pisali smo na temu "Treba li osuvremeniti Nacionalnu šumarsku politiku i strategiju?" očekujući odgovore na postavljena pitanja. Nismo ih još dobili, a nema niti najave o široj stručnoj raspravi, osim što čujemo kuloarske pohvale kako je to prava tema za raspravu. Znači i dalje ćemo probleme u struci rješavati nesveobuhvatno nego po nametnutoj nam potrebi "iz rukava". Napomenuli smo, kako sigurno ima još pitanja i nismo trebali dugo čekati argumente za pitanje iz naslova. Naime, ovih dana čitamo u Poslovnom dnevniku, kako drvoprerađivači traže od Trgovačkog društva Hrvatske šume d.o.o. smanjenje cijenu sirovine za 15 % i produženi rok plaćanja na prvotno 90 dana, a prema zadnjoj informaciji čak na 120 dana te kako će Hrvatske šume d.o.o. ovih dana "vagati" rezanje cijena. Ta potreba tumači se padom cijena drvoprerađivačkih proizvoda na tržištu za 20 % i narudžbi za 25 % pa se od Države traže kompenzacijske mjere. Najviše su kaže se pogođeni proizvođači peleta i paletiziranog ogrjevnog drva, dakle proizvoda s malom dodanom vrijednošću. O tim proizvodima (kao i o parketu proizvodu iz tzv. "dorade" te finalnim proizvodima) smo više puta pisali, ističući kako je sirovina posebice za pelete ponajprije otpad finalne prerade drva, dakle suho, a ne mokro drvo čije sušenje na potrebnu vlažnost bitno podiže troškove proizvodnje. Oni su upravo kompenzirani do sada, moglo bi se reći brutalno "jeftinom sirovinom", a sada se traži i njeno smanjenje i produženje roka plaćanja. Ako je to 90 dana onda je to obrtaj kapitala 4 (za 120 dana to je okruglo 3 - dakle katastrofalno) i tu nema osiguranja postojećeg stanja a kamo li razvoja, no jeli to važno kada sve to plaća šuma! Naravno, zagovornici netržišnog poslovanja iz Drvnog sektora sugeriraju u odnosnom tekstu, kako Vlada "nakon ozbiljnih intervencija u brodogradnju i kroz konsolidaciju strateških tvrtki, ima priliku usvojiti hitne sektorske mjere kroz poslovanje Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o." Uz prethodno spomenuto smanjenje cijena od 15 % i produženje roka plaćanja na 120 dana, od 7 predloženih mjera Vladi, interesantna je ona, značajna sastavnica tržišnog poslovanja o ukidanju maloprodaje u Hrvatskim šumama d.o.o. – znači uklanjanje konkurencije. Komparirajući prodajne cijene glavnih drvnih sortimenata s tržištima u okruženju (Austrija, Italija, Mađarska, BiH i Srbija) s onima po kojima Hrvatske šume d.o.o. prodaju drvne sortimente našim drvoprerađivačima, dolazimo do brojke od oko 500 mil. kuna godišnje, kojim Država već potiče drvoprerađivače. Koliko i kako pak drvoprerađivači pripomažu Hrvatskim šumama d.o.o. kod rješavanja pitanja zaliha drvne sirovine, to je posebno pitanje? Kada im treba sirovina, vrši se pritisak na dobavljača da im se ona osigura bez obzira na vremenske uvjete i nastanak šteta na šumskom tlu. Kada ima viška drvne zalihe to nije njihov problem, bez obzira na potpisane ugovore! O nenaplaćenim potraživanjima Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o. od kupaca nećemo ovom prilikom. Isto tako predstečajne nagodbe nećemo niti spominjati, kao i tumačenja odgovornih kako su tim mjerama spašavali radna mjesta u preradi drva, a ne pogodovali velikim dužnicima. Država daje potporu, ali "upravljačka ekipa" koja je dovele firmu u to stanje ostaje i dalje na njenom čelu! Što reći nakon svega ovoga nego upitati se, kako to politika zagovorom netržišnog poslovanja u šumarstvu štiti šumu kao nacionalno bogatstvo naroda, a pripomaže razvoju primarne, a posebice finalne prerade drva? Evo im rezultata! Uredništvo ; EDITORIALIn the last double issue we raised the question whether the National Forestry Policy and Strategy should be modernised. While still waiting for some answers, we have only heard that the topic deserves a wide specialist discussion. This means that such issues will continue to be treated individually when they occur, instead of being solved on a global level. We hinted that there certainly were some more questions, and we did not wait long for the reaction; in the Business Diary (Poslovni dnevnik) we have read that the wood processors require from the trading company "Hrvatske šume" a 15% decrease in timber prices and prolonged payment terms of the former 90 days, or, according to the latest information 120 days. The demand accounts for 20% price decrease in wood products on the market and 25% decrease in orders, which calls for compensation measures from the Government. It is said that the most affected are the manufacturers of pellets and pellet-formed fuelwood - the products with low added value. We wrote about these products (as well as about parquet and final products) on several occasions, pointing at the fact that pellets are primarily the waste material from final wood processing, the dry wood, while the moist wood requires price-raising drying to achieve a required degree of moisture. So far they have been compensated by the brutally "cheap raw material"; now both price reduction and payment terms are required. If it is 90 days it means a turnover of 4 (for 120 days it rounds up to 3 - which is a catastrophe). There would be no insurance of the existing situation, not to mention the development. Indeed, does it matter anything at all when forests are here to pay the bill?! The advocates of non-market business from the wood sector suggest that the Government after serious interventions in ship building and through the consolidation of strategic firms has the opportunity to accept urgent sector measures through the business of the Croatian Forests Ltd. With the mentioned price decrease of 15% and the payment prolongation of 120 days, of the seven measures proposed to the Government a significant component of the market business operation is the interesting one - the elimination of the retail sale in Croatian Forests Ltd., which means the elimination of the competition. Compared to the selling prices of the main wood assortments on the markets in the region (Austria, Italy, Hungary, Bosnia & Herzegovina and Serbia), the prices at which Croatian Forests Ltd. is selling their wood assortments to our wood manufacturers amount to round 500 million hrk a year, by which money have the wood manufacturers already been encouraged. Another question is how the wood manufacturer helps Croatian Forests Ltd. with solving the issues of raw wood stock. When they need raw material they exert pressure upon suppliers without considering weather conditions and the damage upon the forest soil; When there is stock surplus, it is not their problem in spite of the signed contracts! To the unpaid credits and debits to Croatian Forests we shall refer on another occasion. We shall not even mention the pre-bankruptcy settlements as well as the explanations of the responsible parties saying that these measures are saving the jobs in wood processing instead of doing favour to the big debtors. A firm with significant rent status as to raw material asked for Government intervention. They received encouragement but the whole "management team" that brought the firm to this situation stayed in charge! What can be said after all this but wonder what kind of policy which supports non-market business in forestry protects the forest as national wealth while encouraging the development of both primary and final wood processing? The answer is in the results! Editorial Board