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George Templeton Strong (1820 – July 21, 1875) was an American lawyer and diarist. His diary and letters provide a striking personal account of life in the 19th century, especially during the events of the American Civil War. He has been described as "quotable, opinionated, and a careful follower of events."

The aim of this paper is to show the similarities and therefore consequentiality between the ideas of T. G. Masaryk, philosopher, politician and first president of Czechoslovakia, and those of Comenius. ; Záměrem příspěvku je poukázat na podobnost a návaznost idejí T. G. Masaryka a J. A. Komenského.

This service record is an account of military actions during the American Civil War by veteran G. T. Ware (1840- ), dated from 1903. ; 1 leaf ; 2 pdf pages. ; All descriptive lists and service records in this United Confederate (Civil War) Veterans manuscript collection believed to be based out of Robert E. Lee Camp #158 of the United Confederate Veterans (Fort Worth, Tex.). United Confederate Veterans. R.E. Lee Camp No. 158 (Fort Worth, Tex.) ; The Southwest Collection Manuscript Record can be accessed at the following URL: http://www.lib.utexas.edu/taro/ttusw/00119/tsw-00119.html

Ron Semple recalls a funny story about "Doc" Bowler at the Montana Press Association. Semple talks about the differences among the Montana Standard, Missoulian, and Billings Gazette including how they handled cigarette advertisements, what they chose to report on, and their endorsement of political candidates. He also talks about the history of the building that housed the Livingston Enterprise and how it was originally a whorehouse. Archives and Special Collections does not hold the audio for this interview. ; https://scholarworks.umt.edu/leenewspapersmontana_oralhistory/1028/thumbnail.jpg

Usher was a rank and file worker and a son of an S.D. Warren worker. He worked at mill from 1960 into the 2000s. Usher participated in union organizing at mill in 1960s, and was recruited by leaders of United Paper Workers International Union (UPIU) Local 1069 to run (successfully) for Maine State Legislature. ; https://digitalcommons.usm.maine.edu/sd-warren/1037/thumbnail.jpg

Regarding instituting Partridge's system of education at Transylvania University; would Partridge relocate in the west? Could Partridge recommend a suitable person to oversee the implementation of Partridge's system at TU? ; transcription by Megan Liptak and Alison Horner. Transcriptions may be subject to error.

An important chapter in the history of independent Czechoslovakia after the First World War was the Russian Aid Operation (Ruská pomocná akce, RPA), thanks to which around 25,000 Russian, Ukrainian, and other émigrés fleeing Bolshevik Russia made it to Czechoslovakia. The operation was made possible primarily thanks to the support of President Masaryk, who had an intimate understanding of Russia who had strong contacts with members of Russia's democratic intelligentsia. As a result, secondary schools and universities in Czechoslovakia welcomed a large number of young Russian and Ukrainian émigrés who, it was hoped, would form the foundations for a new democratic Russia after the anticipated defeat of the Bolshevik revolution.

Gregory Townsend Bedell writes to Alden Partridge with an introduction to J. P. Robinson, a friend charged with a communication regarding the corps of cadets; the letter is undated but could relate to a pedestrian excursion that Partridge's students made to Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, in 1826. ; Transcription by Raymond Bouchard. Transcriptions may be subject to error.

Gregory Townsend Bedell writes to Alden Partridge with an offer of seats for him and his cadets at St. Andrews Church in Philadelphia on Sunday afternoon; the letter is undated but could refer to a pedestrian excursion made by Partridge and his students to Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, in 1826. ; Transcription by Raymond Bouchard. Transcriptions may be subject to error.

Photocopy. Ann Arbor, Mich. : University Microfilms Intl., 1978. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Given the contemporary growth of 'populist' political parties and movements in a number of highly-developed democratic states in Europe and North America, there has been a resurgence in academic interest around the various causes for the groundswell of support for political populism. Given this broader political context, this paper explores the interconnection between sport and populist politics in Hungary, with a particular emphasis on the appropriation of sport by 'right-wing' populist political actors. In particular, this paper will examine the politics – sport interconnection by discussing Victor Orbán's, Hungary's Prime Minister, use of football, and sport more broadly, and the ways in which the Hungarian government have attempted to reinvent a strong nation and national identity through sport and related political populism. These attempts have been influenced by the interaction between forces of Westernisation and the country's continuing post-communist transition, with the view to (re)inventing the Hungarian nation.

Former Montana State Senator Ron Erickson discusses his involvement in the Missoula environmental movement of the 1960s and 1970s. Erickson, who also worked as a professor of chemistry at the University of Montana, discusses creating the Environmental Studies program at the university. He discusses air and water pollution issues in the Missoula area, his work with the group Concerned Citizens for a Quality Environment, and his time serving in the Montana State Legislature. ; https://scholarworks.umt.edu/gasp_oralhistory/1003/thumbnail.jpg

The article deals with the general conditions of cinematic violence. The question of artistic violence quite often is treated as the question of autonomy of art. Nevertheless, such interpretation is not sufficient as it neglects the fact that under conditions of modernity violence functions not only as an aesthetic, but also as a social phenomenon. In attempt to interpret the status of violence in modernity, the case of the futurist manifesto by F. T. Marinetti and the theory of G. Simmel are examined. In Marinetti's manifesto, the speed, the technology, and violence are treated as the means to transform society. Asa consequence, the notion of war is also glorified. After beginning of the World War I, Marinetti fails to rethink the notion of war in accordance with new political and social circumstances. Contrary to Marinetti, Simmel develops apositive notion of war as an effective tool to overcome the so-called blasé attitude and give hope of renewal of society. Thus, despite differences in interpretation and in political attitude, both Marinetti and Simmel attribute to violence and war the meanings of resistance and messianism. The resistance and messianic interpretation of violence and war is inevitable part of the discourse of modernity. Nevertheless, it is argued that such interpretation should not be treated as self-sufficient as the status of the violence is transformed in the times of post-industrial society and postmodernity. ; Straipsnyje nagrinėjamas bendrosios kinematografinės prievartos sąlygos. Analizuojant šią problematiką, prievartos mene klausimas įprastai traktuojamas kaip klausimas apie meno autonomiją. Vis dėlto tokia prievartos statuso traktuotė yra ribota, nes ji ignoruoja faktą, kad modernybėje prievarta yra suvokiama ne vien kaip estetinis, bet ir kaip socialinis fenomenas. Siekiant išskleisti prievartos statuso modernybėje specifiką, interpretuojami du pavyzdžiai – Marinetti futurizmo manifestas ir Simmelio karo koncepcija. Marinetti postuluoja greitį, technologiją ir prievartą kaip sociumo pertvarkymo įrankius. Futurizmo manifeste aukštinamas ir karas kaip totalios prievartos forma. Prasidėjus Pirmajam pasauliniam karui, pats Marinetti įsitraukia į karo veiksmus, bet neišplėtoja nuoseklesnės karo koncepcijos. Tačiau tai, ko neįvykdė Marinetti, realizavo vokiečių sociologas Simmelis. Dar iki karo aprašęs sociumo krizę kaip atbukimo būseną, prasidėjus karui Simmelis ėmė jį traktuoti kaip atbukimo būklės įveikos viltį ir sociumo atsinaujinimo galimybę. Taigi, nepaisant Marinetti ir Simmelio nuostatų skirtumų, abu suteikia prievartai ir karui rezistencines ar net mesianistines prasmes. Straipsnyje argumentuojama, kad rezistencinė ir mesianistinė prievartos traktuotė yra neatskiriama nuo modernybės diskurso. Vis dėlto konstatuojama, kad tokia prievartos interpretacija neišvengiamai transformuojama post-industrinės visuomenės ir postmodernybės sąlygomis.

L'articolo affronta il tema delle confische nella Venezia del 1797 quando, dopo la caduta della repubblica aristocratica, il nuovo ceto dirigente democratico cercò di arginare le attività dei dissidenti politici attraverso la confisca dei loro beni. Per questo motivo la Municipalità provvisoria istituì una Commissione alle confische, che iniziò i suoi lavori nel giugno e li interruppe nel novembre, quando tutti i decreti di confisca furono ritirati perché ritenuti inefficaci e privi di fondamento giuridico. Nei suoi pochi mesi di vita, la Commissione confiscò i beni di un limitato numero di ex patrizi, tutti membri di spicco della vecchia classe dirigente, la cui punizione aveva il valore simbolico di consegnare all'estero l'immagine di una Venezia integrata nel nuovo sistema francese, fondato sui principi rivoluzionari di democrazia e libertà. Il saggio cerca quindi di dimostrare come le confische rispondessero ad esigenze di natura più politica che economica o giuridica. ; This essay aims to examine the issue of the confiscations during the democratic experience of Venice, in 1797, when after the fall of the old aristocratic Republic, the new ruling class tried to prevent the political dissenters through a confiscation of their properties. For this reason the democratic Municipality established a Committee on confiscation that took place just for few months, from June to November, when all the confiscation orders, ineffective and almost illegal, have been withdraw. During its brief life the Committee planned confiscations just for a restricted group of ex aristocrats, all powerful members of the former ruling class. In this way Venice gave a symbolic value to the confiscations, showing to the other countries its complete transition into the French universe, based on the principles of democracy and liberty. Finally, this article tries to prove how the confiscations played a political role, first than financial or legal.

Volltext // 2011 digitalisiert von: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, München. Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Russ. 225 r-175