The aim of this paper is to analyse the evolution of gender balance in the Italian Constitutional system with respect to electoral representation (Art. 51th of the Italian Constitution). Effective achieving of electoral representation has been heavily difficult for women in Italy. In 2010 the Constitutional Judge recognized the necessity of gender balance measures. However, the instruments provided by laws had not any real success and women are not effectively represented in political Assemblies.
The economic crisis started in 2008 has heavily hit labour markets even in rich regions, spreading unemployment also among adult workers, who previously were in Italy quite well protected against economic downturns. The article presents a research study, conducted in Lombardy between September, 2009 and April, 2011, using different methods: a survey on a sample of 911 unemployed workers, 44 in-depth interviews and an ethnographic study on Employment Services. The research study has grasped social profiles of unemployed workers; relations between unemployment and family life; forms and results of job search; the functioning of Employment Services. In the conclusion, the article suggests several policy recommendations, in order to tackle the issue.
This chapter deals with the relationships between the depoliticization and repoliticisation dynamics concerning public actions and the framing of the collective issues and the most important phenomenon of change affecting contemporary politics and political systems, populism. Contemporary populisms can be interpreted as a consequence of the depoliticisation processes triggered by the advent of post-democracy and neoliberalism, as well as of the connected processes of globalization and Europeanization of public policies. Later, the global economic and financial crisis and the austerity-driven policies added new strength to the populist reactions. Analyzing the Italian case the authors try to understand whether the agendas and policies carried out by populists leading governments or heavily influencing policy making induce forms of re-politicization of both public actions and the related issues. The chapter provides evidence on the potential effects of re-politicization caused by populism.
One of the thorniest issues in the recent historiography of Venice's mainland empire is the quality and justice of its governance. Michael Knapton has depicted the Terraferma cities — Vicenza, Verona, and especially Padua — as dominated by the Dominante, which governed harshly, and taxed heavily for the benefit of the capital, while others have viewed the mainland state as a patchwork of jurisdictions, with Venice retaining local custom and leadership wherever these served the interests of the central government. This paper argues that Venice's policy was in large measure the affirmation of custom, using the ancient institutions of the commune of the mainland cities as the basis for its rule, and confirming the remnants of the signorial élites as its new aristocratic governing class, which filled the offices of local government, especially the councils and judiciary. Fifteenth-century Padua prospered under this arrangement.
The term "comprehensive security (sōgō anzen hoshō 総合安全保障)" was first created in Japan after the early 1970s international crises (oil, food, monetary and diplomatic). The new concept widened the traditional scope of the concept of "security", embracing those economic aspects, such as the scarcity of raw materials, that were considered capable of threatening national security. Food security was a central element of the comprehensive security strategy. Since the early postwar years, Japan was heavily dependent on food imports from the United States. The food crisis of the 1970s with the consequent American embargo on soybeans revealed Japan's vulnerability to interruptions in food supplies and raised questions about the US as a reliable supplier. The present work provides a critical analysis of the development of the concept of "food security" in Japan, within the broader debate on comprehensive security in the 1970s and 1980s. In particular, through the analysis of political and academic documents, the article investigates the impact of the American soybean embargo on this debate, in order to understand how "food dependence" began to be perceived as a threat to national security and how this perception influenced not only Japan's food policies but also its international relations. ; The term "comprehensive security (sōgō anzen hoshō 総合安全保障)" was first created in Japan after the early 1970s international crises (oil, food, monetary and diplomatic). The new concept widened the traditional scope of the concept of "security", embracing those economic aspects, such as the scarcity of raw materials, that were considered capable of threatening national security. Food security was a central element of the comprehensive security strategy. Since the early postwar years, Japan was heavily dependent on food imports from the United States. The food crisis of the 1970s with the consequent American embargo on soybeans revealed Japan's vulnerability to interruptions in food supplies and raised questions about the US as a reliable supplier. The present work provides a critical analysis of the development of the concept of "food security" in Japan, within the broader debate on comprehensive security in the 1970s and 1980s. In particular, through the analysis of political and academic documents, the article investigates the impact of the American soybean embargo on this debate, in order to understand how "food dependence" began to be perceived as a threat to national security and how this perception influenced not only Japan's food policies but also its international relations.
In the last years, FPGAs have been heavily used in many different critical applications, such as spatial and military ones, where these devices operate in harsh environments. For this reason, research studies about faults (detection, recovery, modelling etc.) in FPGA technology are of primary concern. The main objective of this thesis is the development of an integrated environment for the analysis of fault effects in FPGA routing. The integrated environment has been developed as a Python library, named PyXEL, that integrates Xilinx Software, such as Vivado and ISE tools, and exploits a strong know-how to carry out experiments on routing faults in FPGAs in an automated way. In particular, PyXEL provides an easy way to execute design manipulation, fault injection, bitstreams manipulation, collection and analysis of results. Furthermore, PyXEL has been used for the analysis of fault effects in the interconnection network of the Xilinx Artix-7 XC7A100T FPGA. Routing faults such as conflicts and opens have been injected in the FPGA using randomly chosen Programmable- Interconnect-Points (PIPs). The experiments conducted show that it is possible to use PyXEL in order to gain insights into the real behaviours of fault effects in FPGA routing.
This article investigates the differences between the Italian translations of European Union (EU) directives and the Italian used in national laws. It focuses on the lexical features of comparable and parallel corpora and their mutual influence. Differences emerge in terms of both lexical richness (greater in national laws) and register (also higher in national texts). Moreover, the specific text-structure of EU directives is signalled by a greater number of connectors. Lexical differences also involve repeated segments: national laws show greater variation, whereas the segments used in EU directives are more specific. In terms of style, features used at national level impact on the Italian translations of EU texts. For example, in parallel corpora, the style of Italian texts is more formal than the style of their English counterparts. This shows that Italian translators of EU directives are heavily influenced by the stylistic choices made when drafting national laws. So it is Italian law-makers who need to relinquish stylistically marked features when drafting legal texts. Then, translators can follow suit. The opposite would be – of course – unimaginable.
ITALIANO: Il contributo si sofferma sulla qualità e gli effetti del dominio naturale, tratteggiati da Pietro Filargo nel suo discorso per l'incoronazione di Gian Galeazzo Visconti (1395). Naturale è il dominio del principe appartenente allo stesso popolo su cui governa, che esercita un'autorità modellata su quella del padre sui figli e ama i sudditi che nutre. Tale principe provvede quindi ad abbellire la città, a tutelare gli iura civilia e via dicendo. Al di là di una rilettura della Politica aristotelica pesantemente orientata dal contesto lombardo, affiorano da questo testo elementi della circolazione di nuovi modelli politici nell'Europa di fine Trecento. / ENGLISH: The paper focuses on the properties of the natural dominion, traced by Phillarges in his speech on Gian Galeazzo Visconti's coronation day (1395). The rule of the compatriot prince who exercises his authority such like a father over the children and loves the subjects he nurses, is natural. This prince embellishes the city, safeguards iura civilia and so on. Apart from a reinterpretation of the Aristotelian Politics heavily conditioned by the Lombard context, the speech contains more general reflections about the circulation of new political models in late fourteenth-century Europe.
The paper focuses on the properties of the natural dominion, traced by Phillarges in his speech on Gian Galeazzo Visconti's coronation day (1395). The rule of the compatriot prince who exercises his authority such like a father over the children and loves the subjects he nurses, is natural. This prince embellishes the city, safeguards iura civilia and so on. Apart from a reinterpretation of the Aristotelian Politics heavily conditioned by the Lombard context, the speech contains more general reflections about the circulation of new political models in late fourteenth-century Europe. ; Il contributo si sofferma sulla qualità e gli effetti del dominio naturale, tratteggiati da Pietro Filargo nel suo discorso per l'incoronazione di Gian Galeazzo Visconti (1395). Naturale è il dominio del principe appartenente allo stesso popolo su cui governa, che esercita un'autorità modellata su quella del padre sui figli e ama i sudditi che nutre. Tale principe provvede quindi ad abbellire la città, a tutelare gli iura civilia e via dicendo. Al di là di una rilettura della Politica aristotelica pesantemente orientata dal contesto lombardo, affiorano da questo testo elementi della circolazione di nuovi modelli politici nell'Europa di fine Trecento.
In the last years, the economic crisis heavily hit all the Southern European States, exacerbating well rooted dynamics of impoverishment and precarization. In Italy and Spain, among others, social movements against labour and existential precarity developed and took the streets, receiving a high degree of media attention. In this paper we focus on the movements against precarity in Italy and Spain, in order to analyse their genesis, developments, and future opportunities. In particular, the paper focuses on the movements' claims, their self-representation, the structure of alliances and their strategies of action, highlighting the results of the protests and the repertories of discourse and action. ; Negli ultimi anni la crisi economica ha colpito con forza l'intero Sud Europa, esasperando dinamiche di impoverimento e precarizzazione di lungo periodo. In Italia e in Spagna, tra gli altri, si è assistito a mobilitazioni contro la precarietà lavorativa e esistenziale. In questo contributo vengono presi in esame i movimenti contro la precarietà in Italia e in Spagna, allo scopo di analizzarne la genesi, gli sviluppi e le prospettive future. In particolare, il paper si concentra sulle rivendicazioni dei movimenti, l'autorappresentazione, la struttura delle alleanze e le strategie di azione, mettendo in luce i risultati delle proteste e i repertori discorsivi e di azione.
In October 1573, the Spanish army carried out the bloodless conquest of Tunis with a carefully planned operation. The direct government of the city was an unprecedented experiment in the long traditional rule of the Spanish Crown. Having to ensure the power of a heavily armed minority over a larger group of people prone to rebellion, John of Austria (the Younger) experimented with a hybrid type of domination, which while it retained its "African" characteristics needed to be guided by the experiences of American colonization and the way large Italian and Flemish cities were occupied by foreign powers. To prevent tensions, crime or a possible outbreak of fighting, the spaces devoted to each religious group were strictly defined, nearly producing a ghettoisation of the entire urban space. The predisposed solutions, however, failed to ensure the peaceful coexistence between people and the occupying forces; the arrival of the Turkish fleet in 1574 put a bloody end to this experience. The analysis of the ephemeral experiment of Spanish rule in Tunisia leads to a re-discussion of Braudel's paradigm of "limited occupation" and a renewed reflection on the peculiar condition of Spanish presidios in Africa.
Negli ultimi anni la crisi economica ha colpito con forza l'intero Sud Europa, esasperando dinamiche di impoverimento e precarizzazione di lungo periodo. In Italia e in Spagna, tra gli altri, si è assistito a mobilitazioni contro la precarietà lavorativa e esistenziale. In questo contributo vengono presi in esame i movimenti contro la precarietà in Italia e in Spagna, allo scopo di analizzarne la genesi, gli sviluppi e le prospettive future. In particolare, il paper si concentra sulle rivendicazioni dei movimenti, l'autorappresentazione, la struttura delle alleanze e le strategie di azione, mettendo in luce i risultati delle proteste e i repertori discorsivi e di azione. | In the last years, the economic crisis heavily hit all the Southern European States, exacerbating well rooted dynamics of impoverishment and precarization. In Italy and Spain, among others, social movements against labour and existential precarity developed and took the streets, receiving a high degree of media attention. In this paper we focus on the movements against precarity in Italy and Spain, in order to analyse their genesis, developments, and future opportunities. In particular, the paper focuses on the movements' claims, their self-representation, the structure of alliances and their strategies of action, highlighting the results of the protests and the repertories of discourse and action. ; In the last years, the economic crisis heavily hit all the Southern European States, exacerbating well rooted dynamics of impoverishment and precarization. In Italy and Spain, among others, social movements against labour and existential precarity developed and took the streets, receiving a high degree of media attention. In this paper we focus on the movements against precarity in Italy and Spain, in order to analyse their genesis, developments, and future opportunities. In particular, the paper focuses on the movements' claims, their self-representation, the structure of alliances and their strategies of action, highlighting the results of the protests and the repertories of discourse and action. ; Extended abstract: In the last years, the economic crisis heavily hit all the Southern European States, exacerbating well rooted dynamics of impoverishment and precarization. In Italy and Spain, among others, social movements against labour and existential precarity developed and took the streets, receiving a high degree of media attention. In this paper we focus on the movements against precarity in Italy and Spain, in order to analyse their genesis, developments, symbolic discourse and future opportunities. In particular, the paper focuses on the movements' claims, their self-representation, the structure of alliances and their strategies of action, highlighting the results of the protests and the repertories of discourse and action. In Italy, the discourse against precarity can be divided into three phases: until the mid-2000s, a grassroots network of actors developed, addressing the flexibility of jobs and the fragmentation of the labour market, while the trade unions organized attempts of including atypical workers. The second phase is characterized by the widespread use of the term precariousness outside of the environments in which it was developed, by a massive use of the job's rights, and the increasing awareness of the difficulties of organizing precarious workers. In the third phase, precarity has become a common reference for workers' protests and broader activism, and a widespread and legitimate word in the public sphere as well. In Spain, mobilizations against precarity mainly developed in the aftermath of the economic crisis, and especially since 2010-2011, thanks to the action of JSF and, later, of the 15M movement. The claims against precarity are strictly intertwined with the broader claims on the right to housing and the lack of prospects for the youth, as well as to a deep disaffection towards the institutional politics, therefore they have an intrinsic and instant 'political' nature. The activists, indeed: seek for the societal consensus and, for this reason, they interact with the media, both grassroots and mainstream; put in place and activate wide networks of mobilization and alliances; and contribute to political experiences, such as Podemos and Ahora Madrid. Movements' differences are mainly related to their self-representation and action strategies. While in Spain the protests focus on the 'lack of' (future, jobs, security), in Italy they refuse a 'victimization' discourse, promoting a self-empowerment subjectivity. On the other hand, while in Italy action took place mainly in the field of labour and workers struggle –and the public sphere– in Spain activists went political, by contributing to the 15M movement, Mareas, Podemos, and Ahora Madrid. In this article we analyse the diverse experiences of the movements and highlight similarities and differences.
The aim of this paper is to analyse the evolution of gender balance in the Italian Constitutional system with respect to electoral representation. Even if Art. 51th of the Italian Constitution provides that "Any citizen of either sex is eligible for public offices and elected positions on equal terms, according to the conditions established by law. To this end, the Republic shall adopt specific measures to promote equal opportunities between women and men", effective achieving of electoral representation has been heavily difficult for women in Italy. The Italian Constitutional Court in 1995 (judg. no. 422) declared the use of electoral quotas in lists of candidates unconstitutional, even if considered this measure useful to help women in accessing to local Assemblies, because of the legal nature of quotas: the Court qualified them as affirmative actions and stated that they were in direct contrast with Art. 3rd, 1th part of the Italian Constitution. But, the Constitutional Judge gradually shifted from this rigid perspective. In a more recent case law, indeed, the Court recognized the necessity of gender balance measures, even if different from electoral quotas (Const. Court judgs. nos. 49/2003 and 4/2010). However, the instruments provided by laws had not any real success and women are not effectively represented in political Assemblies. Taking gender balance effectiveness seriously?
L'articolo si propone di riflettere sulla diffusione dell'approccio integrato proposto dall'iniziativa comunitaria Urban nelle politiche di coesione regionale nel più ampio contesto della questione urbana in Italia. L'attenzione è centrata sul ciclo di programmazione 2007-2013, periodo deputato a trasferire le buone pratiche acquisite da Urban nei programmi urbani sostenuti dai fondi strutturali, ma condizionato da vari fattori di contesto tra i quali l'insorgere della crisi post-2008. Proponendo un giudizio sostanzialmente negativo su tale processo di diffusione, il testo propone alcune spiegazioni, tra le quali: le mutazioni del ciclo politico, con le relative influenze sulla formulazione delle politiche urbane; gli effetti della crisi sul governo locale e la costruzione di politiche urbane complesse; il debole ruolo delle regioni nell'innovazione delle politiche per le città. ; The article aims to critically explore the mainstreaming of the approach proposed by the Urban community initiative in the regional cohesion policy within the broader urban question in Italy. The attention is primarily focused on the planning cycle 2007-2013, a phase devoted to transfer the best practices taken by the Urban experience but heavily affected by the insurgence of the post-2008 crisis. By proposing a negative judgment on this process, the article provides some arguments, including: the changed political cycle, with the related effects on urban policy; the impact of the crisis on local government; the weak role performed by the regions in the innovation of urban policy.
Negli ultimi anni la crisi economica ha colpito con forza l'intero Sud Europa, esasperando dinamiche di impoverimento e precarizzazione di lungo periodo. In Italia e in Spagna, tra gli altri, si è assistito a mobilitazioni contro la precarietà lavorativa e esistenziale. In questo contributo vengono presi in esame i movimenti contro la precarietà in Italia e in Spagna, allo scopo di analizzarne la genesi, gli sviluppi e le prospettive future. In particolare, il paper si concentra sulle rivendicazioni dei movimenti, l'autorappresentazione, la struttura delle alleanze e le strategie di azione, mettendo in luce i risultati delle proteste e i repertori discorsivi e di azione. ; In the last years, the economic crisis heavily hit all the Southern European States, exacerbating well rooted dynamics of impoverishment and precarization. In Italy and Spain, among others, social movements against labour and existential precarity developed and took the streets, receiving a high degree of media attention. In this paper we focus on the movements against precarity in Italy and Spain, in order to analyse their genesis, developments, and future opportunities. In particular, the paper focuses on the movements' claims, their self-representation, the structure of alliances and their strategies of action, highlighting the results of the protests and the repertories of discourse and action. ; Il lavoro di Alberta Giorgi è stato finanziato dalla Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia [grant number SFRH/BPD/77552/2011].
