The Hispanophobia of the Official English movement in the US
In: International journal of the sociology of language: IJSL, Band 127, Heft 1
ISSN: 1613-3668
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In: International journal of the sociology of language: IJSL, Band 127, Heft 1
ISSN: 1613-3668
In: Heritage and Memory Studies
Spain has been a fruitful locus for the European imagination for centuries, and it has been most often perceived in black-and-white oppositions -- either as a tyrannical and fanatical force in the early modern period or as an imaginary geography of a 'Romantic' Spain in later centuries. However, the image of Spain, its culture and its inhabitants did not evolve inexorably from negative to positive. From the early modern period onwards, it responded to an ambiguous matrix of conflicting Hispanophobic and Hispanophilic representations. Just as in the nineteenth century latent negative stereotypes continued to resurface, even in the Romantic heyday, in the early modern period appreciation for Spain was equally undeniable. When Spain was a political and military superpower, it also enjoyed cultural hegemony with a literary Golden Age producing internationally hailed masterpieces. Literary Hispanophobia and Hispanophilia in Britain and the Low Countries (1550-1850) explores the protracted interest in Spain and its culture, and it exposes the co-existent ambiguity between scorn and fascination that characterizes Western historical perceptions, in particular in Britain and the Low Countries, two geographical spaces with a shared sense of historical connectedness and an overlapping, sometimes complicated, history with Spain.
Spain has been a fruitful locus for the European imagination for centuries, and it has been most often perceived in black-and-white oppositions -- either as a tyrannical and fanatical force in the early modern period or as an imaginary geography of a 'Romantic' Spain in later centuries. However, the image of Spain, its culture and its inhabitants did not evolve inexorably from negative to positive. From the early modern period onwards, it responded to an ambiguous matrix of conflicting Hispanophobic and Hispanophilic representations. Just as in the nineteenth century latent negative stereotypes continued to resurface, even in the Romantic heyday, in the early modern period appreciation for Spain was equally undeniable. When Spain was a political and military superpower, it also enjoyed cultural hegemony with a literary Golden Age producing internationally hailed masterpieces. Literary Hispanophobia and Hispanophilia in Britain and the Low Countries (1550-1850) explores the protracted interest in Spain and its culture, and it exposes the co-existent ambiguity between scorn and fascination that characterizes Western historical perceptions, in particular in Britain and the Low Countries, two geographical spaces with a shared sense of historical connectedness and an overlapping, sometimes complicated, history with Spain.
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In the Portuguese nation's narrative, Spain was traditionally looked upon as the perilous "other", an antagonist and a threat justifying the demonization of the Iberian neighbour. Centuries of a deep rooted anti-castillianism, if not pure Hispanophobia, were thus a grounding ingredient of Portuguese nationalism. One of the students defenders of such a discourse in the 2nd half of the 20th century was Alberto Franco Nogueira, the New State's Foreign Minister between 1961 and 1969 who later became an outright spokesman against any Iberian friendship in or through democracy and Europe during the 1980s and early 1900s. Exploring his written views, spread over 30 years, on the Portuguese-Spanish relations, and how he adamantly stood agains any Hispanophile approach allows the historian to cast light on a mood that, far from being just a politically incorrect individual eccentricity, modelled many latent national Portuguese views that still counter the present day ruling cosmopolitanism. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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The literature on Simón Bolívar's Jamaica Letter has underestimated the importance of Hispanophobia. Generally this aspect of the text has been regarded as purely rhetorical and circumstantial. However, this element is of central importance to the text, because virtually every idea in the essay is closely tied up with this hatred towards Spain. Without Hispanophobia, the Jamaica Letter would simply cease to exist. In this work, I will try to show the three cornerstones of this enmity created by Bolívar: criticism of the Conquest and the Colony, the time gap undermining the Spanish Empire and the invention of this Empire as the worst tyranny in history, an issue to which I will devote particular attention. By means of this exaggeration, Bolívar offers an unintentional justification of every political disaster or constitutional failure. ; La bibliografía sobre la Carta de Jamaica de Simón Bolívar ha tendido a minusvalorar la importancia del odio a España. Generalmente se ha considerado esta dimensión del texto como puramente retórica y circunstancial. Sin embargo, la importancia de este elemento es central, pues, prácticamente no existe idea en este ensayo que no se vincule de modo estrecho con el odio a España. Sin hispanofobia simplemente no existiría la Carta de Jamaica. En este trabajo, me propongo reconstruir los tres pilares de esta enemistad que Bolívar recrea: la crítica a la Conquista y a la Colonia, el desfase temporal de España y la invención de España como peor tiranía de la historia. Daré una especial importancia a este último punto, ya que debido a esta exageración, Bolívar ofrece involuntariamente una justificación a cualquier desastre político y constitucional.
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Este artigo pretende olhar para a Guerra Civil de Espanha e para a consolidação de Salazar e Franco no poder como um tempo de reforço do nacionalismo português hispanófobo (contrariando a ideia da comunhão perfeita de mundivisões entre os dois ditadores ibéricos), sentimento ou atitude que percorreu o Estado Novo e que chegaou ainda à democracia e aos tempos da Península na Europa. Para tal, far-se-á a recensão de algumas das vozes que, entre 1935 e 1942, moldaram a política portuguesa face a Espanha, com realce para o anti-republicanismo e para o antifalangismo de Salazar. ; This article aims to look at the Spanish Civil War and at Salazar and Franco's consolidation in power as a time of strengthening of Portuguese nationalistic Hispanophobia (opposing the idea of the perfect communion of worldviews between the two Iberian dictators), a feeling and an attitude that spanned all through the 'Estado Novo', up to and including democracy and the era of the Peninsula in Europe. To do so, some of the voices which shaped Portuguese politics towards Spain, between 1935 and 1942, will be discussed, most notable of all Salazar's anti-republicanism and anti-Falangism discourses.
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This article explores one of the most contentious moments in the struggle to redefine political community during the early independence period in Mexico: the 1827 expulsion of Spaniards, through the analysis of parliamentary debates and pamphleteer literature. It tries to uncover the borders that, according to the contenders, were to define the new national community, and the place within it of the «gachupines», now considered by some to be strangers. ; Este artículo explora uno de los momentos más candentes de las pugnas por redefinir la comunidad política durante los primeros años del México independiente: la expulsión de españoles de 1827, a partir del análisis de los discursos parlamentario y panfletario en la ciudad de México. Se trata de descubrir las fronteras que, según los contendientes, debían contener a la nueva comunidad nacional, y el lugar que, dentro de ésta, debían tener los «gachupines», ahora considerados, por algunos, como extraños.
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In: On decoloniality
Inhaltsverzeichnis: Racism as we sense it today -- Islamophobia/Hispanophobia -- Dispensable and bare lives -- Decolonizing the nation-state -- The many faces of cosmo-polis -- Cosmopolitan and the decolonial option -- From "human" to "living" rights -- Decolonial reflections on hemispheric partitions -- Delinking, decoloniality, and de-Westernization -- The South of the North and the West of the East. -- Mariátegui and Gramsci in "Latin" America -- Sylvia Wynter : what does it mean to be human? -- Decoloniality and phenomenology -- The third nomos of the earth -- Epilogue: Yes, we can : border thinking, colonial epistemic/aesthesic differences and pluriversality.
Knowing the evolution of cultural relations between Spain and Mexico throughout the nineteenth century is necessary and essential to understand their political, diplomatic and historical development. Also, it was key in processes of hispanophobia, hispanophilia, imaginary and representations arisen on each side of the Atlantic. Attempts of rupture and periods of ignorance that would lead to a progressive approach and a common goal: to strengthen ties. ; Conocer la evolución de las relaciones culturales entre España y México a lo largo del siglo XIX resulta necesario e imprescindible para comprender su devenir político, diplomático e histórico. Así mismo, fue clave en procesos de hispanofobia, hispanofilia, imaginarios y representaciones surgidas a cada lado del Atlántico. Intentos de ruptura y periodos de desconocimiento que desembocarían en un progresivo acercamiento y un objetivo común: estrechar lazos.
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This article analyses the behavior of General Lázaro Cárdenas's government towards so called "undesirable foreigners", particularly towards Spaniards in a nation with a long tradition of hispanophobia. Article 33 of the Mexican Constitution has been the tool used by the government to expel foreigners considered as undesirable. This paper studies the use of this legislation during Cárdenas's presidency. It underlines the differences from previous administrations, and shows the surveillance and control systems used against Spanish residents in Mexico who supported Francisco Franco during the Spanish Civil War. ; En México, el estallido revolucionario de 1910 modificó la percepción que el liberalismo decimonónico había tradicionalmente asignado a los extranjeros en tanto impulsores de procesos de desarrollo y modernización. Un discurso nacionalista, con contornos xenófobos en algunos segmentos de la dirigencia revolucionaria, se instaló en las prácticas cotidianas de una sociedad convulsionada por la guerra, para terminar desplegando un andamiaje jurídico tendente a controlar las actividades y los comportamientos de aquellos nacidos fuera de las fronteras de la nación mexicana.
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Cover -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Notes on Contributors -- Acknowledgements -- Acronyms and Abbreviations -- Introduction Samuël Kruizinga -- 1 Belittling Spain. Hispanophobia and the mirror of greatness Yolanda Rodríguez Pérez -- 2 Dealing with smallness in Habsburg Bohemia, Ottoman Albania and Tsarist Georgia in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries Adrian Brisku -- 3 Smallness and the East-West binary in nationalism studies. Belgium and Romania in the long nineteenth century Raul Carstocea and Maarten Van Ginderachter -- 4 'Poor Little Belgium'. Food aid and the image of Belgian victimhood in the United States Marjet Brolsma and Samuël Kruizinga -- 5 Science, health and American money. Small state strategies in interwar Czechoslovakia and Denmark Elisabeth Van Meer, Casper Andersen and Ludvig Goldschmidt Pedersen -- 6 Neutral news. Forging a small states' transnational media network, 1914‒40 Vincent Kuitenbrouwer -- 7 'Whoever says that Serbia is small is lying!' Serbia, ontological (in)security and the unbearable smallness of being Christian Axboe Nielsen -- 8 Iceland's smallness. Acceptance or denial? Baldur Thorhallsson and Guðmundur Hálfdanarson -- 9 Great Britain and Little Ireland. Reimagining British and Irish relations in BIPA, Brexit and beyond Sara Dybris McQuaid -- 10 From David to Goliath? The question of size in Israel's identity politics Alexei Tsinovoi -- Conclusions Samuël Kruizinga and Karen Gram-Skjoldager -- Bibliography -- Index.
This article studies the civic militia in Lima (Perú) in the period between the Protectorate of General Jose de San Martin (1820-1822) and the government of General Jose de La Mar (1827-1829). As a result of the analysis of a number of legal regulations concerning the militias and other primary sources, this work demonstrates that there was little concord between the legal framework of the militias, their political aims, and their social acceptance. While the rulers encouraged hispanophobia and republicanism by means of civic militias, the population of Lima, except for the popular classes (plebe), refused to participate in those forces for they considered that it was against their prestige and social class. ; Este trabajo se concentra en el estudio de las milicias cívicas en la capital peruana entre el Protectorado de José de San Martín y el gobierno del General José de La Mar. A partir del análisis de los numerosos reglamentos sobre organización y funcionamiento de milicias que se sancionaron en la década de 1820, pero también de otras fuentes primarias que dan cuenta de su práctica, se procura delimitar la amplia disparidad suscitada entre su proyección política y su aceptación social. Si bien los gobernantes se propusieron alentar a través de las milicias la hispanofobia (época de Monteagudo) y luego el republicanismo (período entre Bolívar a La Mar) la población limeña, con excepción de los sectores de la plebe, se resistió en todo momento a participar en dichos cuerpos cívicos por considerarlos ajenos y/o contrarios a su prestigio social.
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La milicia cívica en Lima independiente (1821-1829). De la reglamentación de Monteagudo a La Mar ; This article studies the civic militia in Lima (Perú) in the period between the Protectorate of General Jose de San Martin (1820-1822) and the government of General Jose de La Mar (1827-1829). As a result of the analysis of a number of legal regulations concerning the militias and other primary sources, this work demonstrates that there was little concord between the legal framework of the militias, their political aims, and their social acceptance. While the rulers encouraged hispanophobia and republicanism by means of civic militias, the population of Lima, except for the popular classes ( plebe ), refused to participate in those forces for they considered that it was against their prestige and social class. ; Este trabajo se concentra en el estudio de las milicias cívicas en la capital peruana entre el Protectorado de José de San Martín y el gobierno del General José de La Mar. A partir del análisis de los numerosos reglamentos sobre organización y funcionamiento de milicias que se sancionaron en la década de 1820, pero también de otras fuentes primarias que dan cuenta de su práctica, se procura delimitar la amplia disparidad suscitada entre su proyección política y su aceptación social. Si bien los gobernantes se propusieron alentar a través de las milicias la hispanofobia (época de Monteagudo) y luego el republicanismo (período entre Bolívar a La Mar) la población limeña, con excepción de los sectores de la plebe , se resistió en todo momento a participar en dichos cuerpos cívicos por considerarlos ajenos y/o contrarios a su prestigio social.
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