Suchergebnisse

This article aims at a panoramic presentation of the history of historiography of Hungary and Polish-Hungarian relations, during the communist period. It presents the inter-war traditions of research on this subject and the most important achievements of historians working in after war period, on the history of Central Europe. Particular emphasis was placed on the disciplines of historiography closely related to the specificity of research in the PRL: the Hungarian contemporary history, the history of Polish-Hungarian relations, military history, especially the history of World War II, and the synthesis and handbook (W. Felczak, J. Reychman). The paper discusses also work of same forgotten historians (E. Kozłowski).

Even though the First World War was caused by tension in the east of Europe, not so long ago, quite a number of historians, as if repeating the words of Winston Churchill, tended to portray the Eastern Front in Europe as an "unknown war". Not only was the war in the east little known, but the remembrance of the war in Eastern Europe remains little investigated. Lithuania is one of the countries in the region where for a long time nothing was known about the remembrance of the Great War. Many historians argued that this kind of remembrance simply did not exist. The article invites us to reconsider this statement by paying attention to the question of how the merits of different actors in the struggle for national freedom were interpreted and represented in interwar Lithuania. Instead of painting a monolithic picture of Lithuania, the article proposes to look at its society as a fragmented construct, whose different parts offered a rather ambiguous answer to the question.

Even though the First World War was caused by tension in the east of Europe, not so long ago, quite a number of historians, as if repeating the words of Winston Churchill, tended to portray the Eastern Front in Europe as an "unknown war". Not only was the war in the east little known, but the remembrance of the war in Eastern Europe remains little investigated. Lithuania is one of the countries in the region where for a long time nothing was known about the remembrance of the Great War. Many historians argued that this kind of remembrance simply did not exist. The article invites us to reconsider this statement by paying attention to the question of how the merits of different actors in the struggle for national freedom were interpreted and represented in interwar Lithuania. Instead of painting a monolithic picture of Lithuania, the article proposes to look at its society as a fragmented construct, whose different parts offered a rather ambiguous answer to the question.

Even though the First World War was caused by tension in the east of Europe, not so long ago, quite a number of historians, as if repeating the words of Winston Churchill, tended to portray the Eastern Front in Europe as an "unknown war". Not only was the war in the east little known, but the remembrance of the war in Eastern Europe remains little investigated. Lithuania is one of the countries in the region where for a long time nothing was known about the remembrance of the Great War. Many historians argued that this kind of remembrance simply did not exist. The article invites us to reconsider this statement by paying attention to the question of how the merits of different actors in the struggle for national freedom were interpreted and represented in interwar Lithuania. Instead of painting a monolithic picture of Lithuania, the article proposes to look at its society as a fragmented construct, whose different parts offered a rather ambiguous answer to the question.

Even though the First World War was caused by tension in the east of Europe, not so long ago, quite a number of historians, as if repeating the words of Winston Churchill, tended to portray the Eastern Front in Europe as an "unknown war". Not only was the war in the east little known, but the remembrance of the war in Eastern Europe remains little investigated. Lithuania is one of the countries in the region where for a long time nothing was known about the remembrance of the Great War. Many historians argued that this kind of remembrance simply did not exist. The article invites us to reconsider this statement by paying attention to the question of how the merits of different actors in the struggle for national freedom were interpreted and represented in interwar Lithuania. Instead of painting a monolithic picture of Lithuania, the article proposes to look at its society as a fragmented construct, whose different parts offered a rather ambiguous answer to the question.

Sąjūdis (Lithuanian independence movement) as an object of scholarly investigation has a certain history or maybe even a historiographic tradition. One of the first who started to investigate this problem was the representative of lithuanian diaspora in the US, professor of the University of Wisconsin Alfred Eric Senn. The changes of Lithuanian political life during the revival period were analyzed also by the Sąjūdis members themselves: Bronislavas Genzelis and Virgilijus Juozas Čepaitis. However, they often fail to avoid subjective views of certain personalities, their data is not always based on sources. Only at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries Sąjūdis received proper attention from historians. The society at large was presented with scholarly publications, collections of articles and sources on particular subjects. Among these publications one can distinguish the one written by Česlovas Laurinavičius and Vladas Sirutavičius which deals with the political history of Lithuania in 1988–1990. After the careful analysis of scholarly publications dealing with the topic of Sąjūdis, one may notice the tendency to restrict the investigations of the events only prior to the restoration of lithuanian independence in March 1990. However, the process of transformation of spontaneous social renewal movement into a public organization is still remaining a white spot in history. There are several reasons for this, the most important of which is, to my mind, political. Historians are not willing to confuse their scientific investigations with their political preferences. In the Lithuanian historiography one might notice a tendency for historical investigations of Sąjūdis to intensify prior to the anniversaries of Lithuanian independence restoration. Historians usually restricted their works to the analysis of the national revival period events taking place in the country's capital. [.]

Sąjūdis (Lithuanian independence movement) as an object of scholarly investigation has a certain history or maybe even a historiographic tradition. One of the first who started to investigate this problem was the representative of lithuanian diaspora in the US, professor of the University of Wisconsin Alfred Eric Senn. The changes of Lithuanian political life during the revival period were analyzed also by the Sąjūdis members themselves: Bronislavas Genzelis and Virgilijus Juozas Čepaitis. However, they often fail to avoid subjective views of certain personalities, their data is not always based on sources. Only at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries Sąjūdis received proper attention from historians. The society at large was presented with scholarly publications, collections of articles and sources on particular subjects. Among these publications one can distinguish the one written by Česlovas Laurinavičius and Vladas Sirutavičius which deals with the political history of Lithuania in 1988–1990. After the careful analysis of scholarly publications dealing with the topic of Sąjūdis, one may notice the tendency to restrict the investigations of the events only prior to the restoration of lithuanian independence in March 1990. However, the process of transformation of spontaneous social renewal movement into a public organization is still remaining a white spot in history. There are several reasons for this, the most important of which is, to my mind, political. Historians are not willing to confuse their scientific investigations with their political preferences. In the Lithuanian historiography one might notice a tendency for historical investigations of Sąjūdis to intensify prior to the anniversaries of Lithuanian independence restoration. Historians usually restricted their works to the analysis of the national revival period events taking place in the country's capital. [.]

Historical policy versus the politics of remembrance is undoubtedly a policy, or a peculiar way to 'conduct policy,' where the optimally true knowledge of history as well as falsified and mythicized information about the past are a means to maintain, win and participate in power. By this token, historical policy is about the instrumentalization of the knowledge of history and mythicized accounts or opinions of the past for the sake of the implementation of a political agenda.So far, the concept of 'historical policy' has not yet become a clear academic category, which makes it difficult to agree what it actually encompasses. Still, the concept of 'historical policy' stands a chance of becoming an objective category in political science. Some professional historians may lean towards a certain skepticism, especially if they accept the traditional paradigm of studying the history of society.Misunderstandings regarding the issue of 'historical policy' sometimes result in a tendency to reject the possibility of this concept being applied by academics from the humanities and social fields of science. Recently, the issue of 'historical policy' has become of interest to political scientists, whose area of study involves the multiplicity of 'detailed policies.''Historical policy' is also discussed by many journalists who do not always present deepened reflections and concrete attitudes, as they rather tend to express their subjective views. It turns out that some Polish historians, political scientists and journalists are embroiled in the current political dispute in Poland. They frequently assume the role of lobbyists or opponents of one option of historical policy or another. The issue of historical policy requires analysis and explanation in an objective and multidisciplinary manner. It is a positive phenomenon that more and more publications with academic aspirations are emerging on this subject in Poland. One should recommend the cooperation between political scientists and historians in order to review and reliably explain planned and executed historical policy in a comparative manner. ; Historical policy versus the politics of remembrance is undoubtedly a policy, or a peculiar way to 'conduct policy,' where the optimally true knowledge of history as well as falsified and mythicized information about the past are a means to maintain, win and participate in power. By this token, historical policy is about the instrumentalization of the knowledge of history and mythicized accounts or opinions of the past for the sake of the implementation of a political agenda.So far, the concept of 'historical policy' has not yet become a clear academic category, which makes it difficult to agree what it actually encompasses. Still, the concept of 'historical policy' stands a chance of becoming an objective category in political science. Some professional historians may lean towards a certain skepticism, especially if they accept the traditional paradigm of studying the history of society.Misunderstandings regarding the issue of 'historical policy' sometimes result in a tendency to reject the possibility of this concept being applied by academics from the humanities and social fields of science. Recently, the issue of 'historical policy' has become of interest to political scientists, whose area of study involves the multiplicity of 'detailed policies.''Historical policy' is also discussed by many journalists who do not always present deepened reflections and concrete attitudes, as they rather tend to express their subjective views. It turns out that some Polish historians, political scientists and journalists are embroiled in the current political dispute in Poland. They frequently assume the role of lobbyists or opponents of one option of historical policy or another. The issue of historical policy requires analysis and explanation in an objective and multidisciplinary manner. It is a positive phenomenon that more and more publications with academic aspirations are emerging on this subject in Poland. One should recommend the cooperation between political scientists and historians in order to review and reliably explain planned and executed historical policy in a comparative manner.

Ambroży Grabowski and his problems with censorship(Summary)Censorship activities on the XIX-th century book publishing market in Cracowhave been and are of interests to many historians and library scientists. It is sufficient to mention the names of T. Gutkowski, J. Bieniarzówna, B. Szyndler orA. Aleksiewicz. # ese studies show both dependency of the book and press publisherson censorship injunctions and problems with distribution of texts comingfrom offi cial and clandestine book trade. In Cracow, restrictions forced by censorshipwere evolving refl ecting changes in policy of invaders. An important event wasthe establishment in 1831 of the Committee of Censorship with its activities basedupon their Austrian origins.When analyzing contemporary problems of publishers and booksellers or depictingcensorship in the context of social life of the city, one can not ignore AmbrożyGrabowski – historian and art collector, lover of national memorabilia, but also writerand publisher, bookseller and antiquarian, astute observer of life. His relationshipwith censors concerned both his writing, publishing and bookselling. Preservedsources show his relation to the contemporary system of censorship on all these levels.# is article analyzes censorship interference in author's writings by Grabowski aswell as interference in his bookselling work associated with illegal distribution of emigrationprints, among others by: A. Mickiewicz, J. Lelewel, M. Mochnacki or H. F.de Lamennais. Grabowski's work was interrupted by search of his bookstore conductedin 1836 resulting in his trial. In his notes, he frequently referenced to the problemof censorship in Cracow – describing people and events associated with those practices.All of this makes it worthwhile to learn more about relationship of this fi gure withlocal censorship over many years and on several levels mentioned here.

Andrei Sheptyts'kyi has been the object of interests of scholars in Poland of both Polish and Ukrainian origin. Polish studies on metropolitan Andrei Sheptyts'kyi have begun form publications of historical sources. Th ey have been prepared by scholars who have performed fi rst analysis of facts connected with his life and activity. Th e most important Polish researches on metropolitan started aft er 1989/1990. Since then a number of monographies concentrating on various aspects of his activity have been prepared. However, a majority of Polish publications on the topic have been single papers each dealing with a particular problem of Sheptyts'kyi's life and thought. Th ose have rarely been continued by their authors. Further research on metropolitan requires more eff ective cooperation between Polish and Ukrainian historians in order to propose the most complementary picture of Sheptyts'kyi's personality. ; Andrei Sheptyts'kyi has been the object of interests of scholars in Poland of both Polish and Ukrainian origin. Polish studies on metropolitan Andrei Sheptyts'kyi have begun form publications of historical sources. Th ey have been prepared by scholars who have performed fi rst analysis of facts connected with his life and activity. Th e most important Polish researches on metropolitan started aft er 1989/1990. Since then a number of monographies concentrating on various aspects of his activity have been prepared. However, a majority of Polish publications on the topic have been single papers each dealing with a particular problem of Sheptyts'kyi's life and thought. Th ose have rarely been continued by their authors. Further research on metropolitan requires more eff ective cooperation between Polish and Ukrainian historians in order to propose the most complementary picture of Sheptyts'kyi's personality.

Polish political science is accused of not being as global as Polish sociology, or of not taking the scientific method and scientific theory very seriously. In contrast to the three basic social sciences (psychology, economics and sociology), political science is more limited to description and humanistic interpretation. One may ask why Polish political science, as it results from the above accusations, deviates slightly from the positivist pattern. The hypothesis suggests that this may be related to the education of the founders, the first managers of political science (directors of institutes, representatives of political science in the Central Commission of Scientific Degree). As it turns out, they were mostly lawyers, and to some extent historians. Graduates of basic social sciences were rare. Political science also lacks (considering textbooks) influential methodologists. As a consequence, there are fewer social methodological subjects in political science studies than in the other aforementioned fields of study.

The Conference on "Recovering Forgotten History" is one of the oldest attempts undertaken in the III Republic to defend Poland's (and East- Central Europe's) image abroad, especially in the US. From 2006, the Conference has organized its seminars, originally bi-annually and now annually, to provide a forum for discussions between the authors of English-language history textbooks and monographs, and Polish historians who review those publications. Arguments are scholarly, grounded in evidence of primary sources and historiography, therefore, they are convincing in combatting Western prejudices and clichés about Poland and East-Central Europe. Additionally, the Conference provides opportunities for sightseeing of Poland's historical places. As a result, the work of the Conference leads not only to the removal of countless mistakes and misinterpretations in the reviewed books but also to a change of guests' attitudes toward this part of Europe. For the most part, they are academic teachers, who can also influence students through their classes. The Conference achieves all of this while having very modest means at its disposal.