Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Half-Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of Figures -- 1 Introduction -- Germany - a multicultural nation-state -- The pitfalls of biological analogies and 'national identities' -- 'Mapping multiculturality in historical perspective - some models of cultural diversity -- Cooperation and multiculturality: some abstract considerations -- PART I THE GENESIS OF A MELTING-POT -- 2 From Germania to the Holy Roman Empire of the Germanic Nation -- Romans and Germani -- Gentes and the Frankish Empire -- Towards linguistic divergence -- The emergence of a new multi-ethnic unit: the Holy Roman Empire -- The colonization of the East - multi-ethnicity becomes enlarged -- The decline of central power -- The beginnings of a collective German identity -- 3 From Reformation to Enlightenment - Political Fragmentation and Cultural Unification -- Reformation: a new cultural cleavage -- The Habsburg monarchy, The Netherlands, Alsace - changes in the ethnic pattern -- The Thirty Years War -- The Peace of Westphalia: balancing diversity -- The rise of Brandenburg-Prussia -- Education and Bildungsburgertum -- The emergence of a common literary standard -- Infant nationalism -- 4 1792-1871: the Shaping of Germany -- French hegemony and modernization -- Nationalism, patriotism and wars of liberation -- The Congress of Vienna and the German League, or the irrelevance of nationality -- Prussia and the Polish territories, or the relevance of nationality -- The Zollverein -- Liberal patriotism versus conservatism: the emergence of a new cultural cleavage -- 1848: abortive unification from below -- The road to the Kaiserreich -- Summary - the formation of the German nation-state -- PART II A MELTING-POT UNDER PRESSURE -- 5 Germany after 1871 - Some General Aspects and Trends -- Political system and society in outline -- The education system.

THIS IS A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF NEO-NAZIS AND ANTI-IMMIGRATION ACTIVISTS IN NORWAY, DENMARK AND SWEDEN WITH REGARD TO THEIR RHETORIC AND JUSTIFICATION FOR VIOLENCE AGAINST 'FOREIGNERS' AND POLITICAL OPPONENTS, AND ACTUAL PATTERNS OF VIOLENCE AND HARASSMENT. DIFFERENT TRADITIONS OF NATIONALISM IN THE THREE SCANDINAVIAN COUNTRIES, AND HIGHLY DISSIMILAR HISTORICAL EXPERIENCES - ESPECIALLY DURING WORLD WAR II - INFLUENCE THE RHETORICAL STRATEGIES OF THE TWO TYPES OF EXTREME NATIONALISTS, AND THEIR RESPECTIVE ABILITIES TO APPROPRIATE NATIONAL SYMBOLS. HOWEVER, BASES ON DIVERGENT HISTORICAL ANALOGIES, MOST EXTREME NATIONALIST GROUPS PRESENT THEMSELVES AS A 'RESISTANCE MOVEMENT' FIGHTING 'FOREIGN INVADERS' AND 'TRAITORS.'

Dmitry V. Shlapentokh, Thermidor or Mongol Empire: History as a political model in Russian émigré thought.
The article demonstrates that the Russian émigrés had been preoccupied with the historical analogies of the events which followed the Bolshevik Revolution. There were basically two historical models: French and Oriental. According to the "French model", the downfall of the Bolshevik regime would come about and the regime would suffer its Thermidor. On the other hand, according to the "Oriental model", the regime would enjoy its stability. While the French model had been popular shortly after the Bolshevik Revolution, the Oriental model became popular in émigré thought from the 1930's to the end ofthe 1950's.

Russians have a somewhat unique approach to history in which they constantly appeal to historical analogies in explaining particular political processes. Thus, some Soviet intellectuals see the Bolshevik Revolution as a follow-up to the French Revolution; this view makes Russian history globally & universally important. Such interpretation of the French Revolution has been shaped within an ideological mixture of Maoism, Trotskyism, & existentialism. A good example of this approach is found in the writings of Albert Soboul, a leading leftist historian of the Revolution. Soboul tried to demonstrate that the result of revolution in both the French & Russian cases was greatly affected by the bureaucratization of the revolutionary establishment. The views of Russian historians Viktor Dalin & A. Z. Manfred on analogies between the two revolutions are also explored. In employng images of the French Revolution, Dalin saw the solution to the USSR's political problems in a renewed Jacobinism, not in capitalist Thermidor. Manfred, in contrast, saw a Thermidor as the solution. However, it appears that in the wake of the Soviet breakup & the loss of Western ideological predominance in the world, the Bolshevik & French Revolutions have fallen back into their own historical contexts. M. Pflum

Bianca Maria Gerlich
It was the object of this article to discover possible historical traces of the basic structure of the novel-cycle Ciclo dei Pirati della Malesia by Emilio Salgari, in particular the historical existence of its chief protagonist Sandokan. Since historical facts corresponding to the setting of the cycle can in fact be found, it is clear that Salgari's novel should not be read as mere fictional literature but rather as literature with an historical background. Besides some rather general historical facts and circumstances, even some of the details turn out to be historical. The names of persons, places and constellations that were well-known in Europe such as "James Brooke", "Sarawak" and "Labuan" figure, but so do "Sandokan" and the "flag of the tiger" which were known at the time to a rather small group of people in Sabah. Salgari's dates are correct, too : Le Tigri di Mompracem starts at the end of 1849, and the original version La Tigre della Malesia in 1847 ; the battle of Malludu in fact took place in 1845. In the Yanez-passage we are informed that Sandokan was resident on the north coast of Borneo for a few years before he settled down in Mompracem.
Perhaps the fundamental messages of the cycle correspond more to historical reality than some reports by European contemporaries or historians do. The Sandokan' s fight for freedom against the European colonizers reflects historical reality. Salgari portrayed history from the perspective of the "losers" and not from that of the "winners", unlike what one finds in most European literature of the last century. His protagonist, who belongs to the weaker party, is positively valued, whereas in official British historiography Malludu is obviously viewed negatively.
However, it should be realized that only the basic structure of the novel coincides in part with historical events and persons, whereas vast parts - especially the immanent actions - belong to fiction. The cycle shows a form of virtual historical reality : Salgari worked his story out upon a historical frame, the polarity between "Sandokan" and "the British". The tension between this poles is essentially determined through the efforts of the colonizers. A detailed examination of historical analogies in the immanent parts of the cycle, or concerning Salgari's descriptions on Bornean customs, social relations and other aspects could bring forth further interesting results. The introductory question concerning the place of historicity in Salgari's Ciclo dei Pirati della Malesia can however be answered positively even on the basis of our preliminary examination. The three symbols "Mompracem", and the "flag of the tiger" and "Sandokan" did exist and were handed down orally and in writing. But more relevant perhaps is the connection between "Sandokan" and the "flag of the tiger" through Sandokan's native country Malludu. He lived there and was indeed very probably in a position of authority. The emblem of Malludu was the flag of the tiger. Malludu was mentioned by Salgari in what may be seen as a basically correct historical context. His fundamental historical message privileges the "Malay" and not the "European" side. Salgari's anti-colonial interpretation thus finds interesting echoes in the modern discussion of nineteenth-century colonial expansion in Southeast Asia.

A number of scholars have argued that historical analogizing plays an important role in foreign-policy decision making; the extent of that importance, however, remains largely a mystery to us. This article proposes that analogical reasoning is probably even more commonplace than previously thought, since it may play a crucial role even in 'novel foreign policy situations' (scenarios which appear largely unprecedented to the decision makers confronting them).One notable example of a novel foreign-policy situation is provided by the Iranian hostage crisis. Examining the Carter administration's decision-making processes during that crisis, the article concludes that even though many saw the hostage crisis as a unique occurrence, the participants drew upon a wide range of historical analogies in order to make sense of what was occuring and to propose suggested 'solutions' to the crisis.

A number of scholars have argued that historical analogizing plays an important role in foreign-policy decision making; the extent of that importance, however, remains largely a mystery to us. This article proposes that analogical reasoning is probably even more commonplace than previously thought, since it may play a crucial role even in "novel foreign policy situations" (scenarios which appear largely unprecedented to the decision makers confronting them). One notable example of a novel foreign-policy situation is provided by the Iranian hostage crisis. Examining the Carter administration's decision-making processes during that crisis, the article concludes that even though many saw the hostage crisis as a unique occurence, the participants drew upon a wide range of historical analogies in order to make sense of what was occurring and to propose suggested "solutions" to the crisis. (British Journal of Political Science / FUB)

This essay demonstrates that the study of world politics should be situated in a cognitive approach, along with the study of foreign policy making. As I will show, the so-called "rationality-cognitive debate" has become a pseudo-debate. Theories of both foreign policy & world politics must be realistically grounded in the assumptions & knowledge of cognitive actors to advance our grasp of practice as well as theory. The basic assumptions of the approach are described, & the accumulated knowledge is reviewed in five critical areas: (1) the content of policymaker beliefs (from general images to specific preferences); (2) the organization & structure of policymaker beliefs (resulting in coherent vs fragmented images); (3) the common patterns of perception & misperception (eg, the tendency to categorize & stereotype, simplify causal inferences, & use historical analogies); (4) the likelihood of cognitive rigidity to limit change & learning; & (5) the impact on policy making (agenda-setting & framing, & formulation & choice). Although sensitivity to variation in cognition across individuals & cultures is increasingly important, international relations scholars cannot ignore the insights about human cognition if their theories are to reflect international realities. Adapted from the source document.

It could be conceivable that society is not an organism, that it has no structure, that it functions only temporarily or seemingly. The most obvious analogies are not the best. The Human Province, p.245 True, he [man] wants to "preserve" himself, but he also simultaneously wants other things which are inseparable from this. Crowds and Power, p. 293 The planning nature of man is a very late addition that violates his essential, his transforming nature. The Secret Heart of the Clock, p. 119 Man, regarding himself as the measure of all things, is almost unknown. His progress in self-knowledge is minimal, every new theory obscures more of him than it illuminates. The Conscience of Words, p. 111

The Historical Approach versus the Judicial Truth : Judges and Historians.
Recent trials involved in historical cases give the opportunity to establish the main characteristics of historical workshop and justice practices and to seek their analogies. Both historians and judges are confronted with social demands and are both responsible for the future of their communities, their criteria of judgement being dependent on the values of those communities. Even if their "truths" can not be delivered in the same way, they sustain the same sort of constraints and are inscribed within the same horizons.

Das Arbeitspapier über die Geschichte der Pfand- bzw. Leihhäuser in St. Petersburg ist Bestandteil eines durch die Volkswagen-Stiftung finanzierten Projekts über die Rolle der Leihhäuser für die Lebensstrategien einkommensschwacher Haushalte im gegenwärtigen Rußland. Die Studie beschreibt Entstehung, Organisationsstruktur und Funktionsweise der größten Gesellschaft in St. Petersburg mit einem Marktanteil von ca. 35 bis 50 Prozent. Die Ausführungen stützten sich weitgehend auf Gespräche mit dem Geschäftsführer des Unternehmens, einem ehemaligen Offizier der Roten Armee. Der Slogan der Firma "Let's go" spielt auf die Analogie zwischen einem Raketenstart und einer Unternehmensgründung an. (ICA)

I. The Traditional Syllogism -- 1. Whately and the Revival of Formal Logic -- 2. Euclid and the Syllogism -- 3. Reid, Hamilton and Mansel on Relational Inferences -- II. First Thoughts on the Copula -- 1. The Two Copulas -- 2. First Notions of Logic -- 3. Relations and Identity -- III. Generalizing the Copula -- 1. The Abstract Copula -- 2. The Bicopular Syllogism and the Composition of Relations -- 3. Oblique Inferences and De Morgan's Dictum -- IV. The Problem of Form and Matter -- 1. "Sundry Perversions of the Syllogistic Form" -- 2. The Material Copula -- 3. De Morgan's Response -- 4. The Issues -- 5. Heads and Tails -- V. The Logic of Relations -- 1. Philosophical Preliminaries -- 2. General Logic of Relations -- 3. Properties of Relations -- 4. Singular Relational Syllogisms (Unit Syllogisms) -- 5. Quantified Relational Syllogisms -- 6. The Limited Unit Syllogism -- 7. The Ordinary Syllogism and the Relational Syllogism -- VI. The Logic of Relations and the Theory of the Syllogism -- 1. The Two Views -- 2. Objective View—The Basic Account -- 3. Objective View—The Relational Form -- 4. The Subjective View -- VII. Logic and Mathematics -- 1. "A Mathematical Logic" -- 2. Algebraic Techniques and Analogies in Logic -- 3. Logic and Geometrical Proof -- 4. Logic and Algebraic Reasoning -- 5. Form in Algebra and Logic -- 6. Conclusions -- VIII. A Rigorous Formulation -- 1. Basic Issues -- 2. The System D -- 3. Properties of Inclusion and Identity -- 4. De Morgan's Basic Identities -- 5. Theorem K -- 6. Properties of Relations -- 7. Additional Inclusion Laws -- 8. The Full System of Three-Relation Terms -- 9. De Morgan's Logic with Identity -- 10. More Properties of Relations -- 11. A Surrogate for Quantification Theory -- 12. Postscript-1864 -- 13. De Morgan's Conjectures -- Notes.

Land Reforms in Lithuania : Faithful to Tradition ?

The author compares the major land reforms conducted in Lithuania from 1557 to 1991 in socio- historical perspective and highlights certain analogies between various statutes. This continuity may be explained in part by trends specific to Lithuanian society, where the individualistic organization of the « civilized west » has long co-existed with the communitarian system of the « Russian east ». The 1991 reform was intended to mark « a return to Europe ». Yet, faithful to their tradition of ambivalence, country-dwellers and reformers reprivatized farming without dissolving the collective farms set up under the Soviet system. These units, though now private, still function along collectivist lines.

Abstract. This article compares the 'new nationalism' in post‐communist countries since the 1980s with the 'classical' national movements o the nineteenth century. Looking for analogies and differences between these two processes, it seeks to achieve a better understanding and more profound interpretation of contemporary 'nationalism'. Most important analogies are: both national movements emerged as a result of (and as an answer to) the crisis and disintegration of an old regime and its value system; in both cases we observe a low level of political experience among the population, the stereotype of a personalised nation, and of a defensive position. Similarly both movements define their national border by both ethnic and historical borders: in both cases, the nationally relevant conflict of interests plays a decisive role. Among the differences are: the extremely high level of social communication in the twentieth‐century movements, combined with a 'vacuum at the top' (the need for new elites) and with deep economic depression. The 'contemporary' national movements fought for the political rights of undoubtedly pre‐existing nations (above all, for full independence), while the 'classical' ones fought for the concept of a nation‐to‐be, whose existence was not generally accepted. Nevertheless, in both cases, similar specifics of the nation‐forming process under conditions of a 'small nation' can be observed. The author does not view nationalism as a 'disease' or external force: but rather as an answer given by some members of the nation to new challenges and unexpected conflicts of interests, which could be interpreted as national ones.

It is argued that race as a social relationship is the basis of the political process in the US. A review of race & labor relations in colonial Virginia shows that the construction of whiteness was not generated by domination, but that domination took the form of whiteness (&, by extension, race). Racism & white supremacy have served to organize the structure of labor. The corporate state has produced a double economy. In the first system, derived from the plantation production-slave labor paradigm, there are the white corporate, ruling society & the nonwhite exploited population. In the second system, racialization promotes cohesion & allegiance to class in a white corporate capitalist economy. This explains why the socialist call for working-class unity has fallen on deaf ears in the US & why unionism has been so problematic & violent. 23 References. M. Pflum