Suchergebnisse

In his first review of Korunic's position published in an earlier issue of the Journal, the autor tried to show how Korunic fails to base his assessment of the early Croat nationalism of the 19th century on historical sources and how he changes his appraisal of the ideology of yugoslavism and the ideas of federalism and confederalism in political programs of the Croatian Revival Movement (so-called Illyrian Movement) and the National Party. The author thinks that Korunic's methodology reflects a new not yet well established trend in historiography of basing historical evaluations on slightly modified sources. Thus, instead of discussing the complex problems of Croatian history, Korunic and other representatives of this new trend force the issue of establishing the exact factography and by singling out of certain authors create an unhealthy atmosphere in Croatian historiography. Korunic renounced his previously held assessment of the presence of Yugoslav idea in the Croatian history of the 19th century, which creates an atmosphere where it is not easy to begin a discussion about historiography in former Yugoslavia. (SOI : CSP: S. 514f.)

From an extensive comparative study conducted in 27 European countries about the attitude of young people towards history, the winnowed variables show the attitude towards history and the causes of historical changes as well as the attitude towards nation and religion. The results (obtained from a sample including 1,025 Croatian high-school first-graders) show that the attitudes of young people towards history do not significantly differ from those in other European countries. However, the interest of young people for national problems, national communities and religion has increased. The attitude towards history is shaped by the factors that homogenize the living space of young people. (SOI : PM: S. 128)

The author provides a short review of the most important events in Croatian history during the 20th century. He begins by emphasizing the importance of the burning of the Hungarian flag in Zagreb during the visit of emporer Franz Joseph in 1895. Other turning points of Croatian history in the 20th century were: declaration of the Rijeka resolution, which was the basis of the Croato-Serbian Coalition; the end of long term relations with the Habsburg monarchy, and the entry into a unified state with Serbia; the experience of Serbian domination in that state; the events of the Second World War; and the renewal of Yugoslavia under a communist dictatorship. The author has decided to publish this review as a model for a further historical study of this period. (SOI : CSP: S. 453)

The author continues his research work on Croatian constitutional tradition. This tradition includes the system of national values on which Croatian politicians in the l9th century founded their national programs. Therefore, the author tries to analyze the basic values and structures included in that tradition, to explore its genesis, and to investigate its historical influence on the development of political and social life in Croatia. In his opinion, other authors did not consider this tradition either a "dogma" or an "ideology", as the recent historiography puts it, because here the legal and sociopolitical values, on which the new political, state and social system is founded, are in question. Out of abundant researches on that subject, the author singles out only the analysis of the "Address" which Croatian Parliament, after a long discussion, brought in 1861 as its most important document, i.e. as the national program which was presented to the king in the form of demands. (SOI : CSP: S. 267f.)

The author presents and evaluates the political program of the wartime Croatian Peasant Party (HSS) in the Independent State of Croatia. HSS wanted a Croatian state organized on democratic bases, not a totalitarian state. They saw the postwar Croatia either as an independent state or, depending on historical circumstances, as a member of a state of confederal type in which it could keep the characteristics of its national sovereignty. Such program was represented by HSS in negotiations with the Ustasha leaders in Summer of 1943 and in the negotiations with the communist leaders in 1943/44. HSS also tried to carry out that program through the military political coup in the Summer of 1944 (Vokic-Lorkovic coup). Conspirators were removed by the leader Ante Pavelic, but the political program of the wartime HSS was not prevented, in the last consequence, by Pavelic, but by the Yugoslav, and among them also Croatian communists: after the World War Two the communists established their centralized one-party Yugoslav state. (SOI : CSP: S. 496)

The complexity of the partisan movement between 1941 and 1945 cannot be understood if one does not equalize it with the communist ideology. Also, one should be reminded of the fact that the winning world powers did not recognize the independent Croatian state. In 1945. Croats had to confirm their integrity within the supranational Yugoslavia. As the Independent State of Croatia stood next to Germany and Italy in foreign policy, that problem was indirectly associated with the defeat of fascism. On the contrary, the partisan movement gained the antifascist status. Croatian antifascism was not only verbal, it had also its historical causes. wing of the Croatian Peasant Party, trying to eliminate their political rivals. Parallelly, in Territorial Antifascist Council of National Liberation of Croatia conflicts began to occur in connection with the strengthening of the national aspirations. Thus, at the end of 1944, A. Hebrang, secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Croatia, was removed. (SOI : CSP: S. 439)

In the course of the second rule of Princes Miloš and Mihajlo Obrenović, i.e. during 1870-ies, ephemeral ceremonies as an artificial ritual of political propaganda underwent considerable development. Leading artistic man-power, primarily Đura Jakšić and Steva Todorović, weree engaged in their realization. Thus, Jakšić wrote a number of long panegyrics, abandoning the traditional manner of court adulation and introducing a romantic dynastic mythology of the Obrenović's, primarily associated with the Takovo riot. Todorović and his coworkers designed the ephemeral architectural scenery and pictures from the vast dynastic mythology, relying upon poetry by their literary argumentation. Known through rare sketches and numerous descriptions in daily press of the time, this simple art of ephemeral festivities had persisted to be built upon the same ideas until the beginning of the 20th century, when the exchange of dynasties entailed the introduction of different mechanisms of court propaganda and different consideration of the »utilifas picturae«. ; Za vreme druge vladavine kneza Miloša i Mihajla Obrenovića, tokom sedme decenije XIX veka, dolazi do snažnog razvitka efemernih svečanosti kao aritificiranog rituala političke propagande. U njihovom ostvarivanju se angažuju vodeće umetničke snage, pre svih Bura Jakšić i Steva Todorović. Jakšić piše brojne panegiričke poeme, kojima napušta tradicionalni manir dvorske laske i ustrojava romantičarsku mitologiju Obrenovića, primarno vezan za Takovski ustanak. Todorović, sa svojim pomoćnicima, radi nacrte za efemerne arhitektonske kulise i slika brojne dinastičke mitologije, koje se literarnom argumentacijom oslanjaju na poeziju. Poznata preko retkih skica i brojnih opisa u dnevnoj štampi, ova jednodnevna umetnost prolaznih svečanosti biće građena na istim idejnim osnovama sve do početka XX veka, kada smenom dinastija dolazi do isticanja drugačijih mehanizama dvorske propagande i drugačijeg shvatanja o utilitas picturae.