Suchergebnisse

The history of Veneto in the second half of 20th century is a history of great and sudden social transformations. The first one happens because of the economic boom that began in the 1970s, later than in other areas of Italy. The boom has led to a progressive consumption of the territory which has strongly changed the landscape towards a urban sprawl. Andrea Zanzotto denounces this situation already in 1970. In the 2000s, many writers denounced the erosion of the territory by unscrupulous businessmen and corrupt politicians. In these years, the most interesting works are novel rather than essays. In particular I quindicimila passi by Vitaliano Trevisan tells this situation by focusing on an unstable and highly effective character, who dreams of the Amazon in the suburbs of Vicenza. Cartongesso by Francesco Maino, published in 2014, takes the complaint to the extreme, because the author builds a very long invective against the Venetian people. But it is only in 2015, when Romolo Bugaro publishes Effetto domino, that the second major change in the Veneto region, due to the economic crisis, is represented: the building contractors who devastate the area are now defeated.

Cover -- Contents -- List of Abbreviations -- Preface -- Introduction -- Chapter 1 -- Chapter 2 -- Chapter 3 -- Chapter 4 -- Chapter 5 -- Chapter 6 -- Chapter 7 -- Chapter 8 -- Chapter 9 -- Chapter 10 -- Chapter 11 -- Chapter 12 -- Conclusion -- Model Questions -- About the Authors.

У раду је представљена група писама из преписке Корнелија Станковића која се налазе у Архиву Србије у Београду. У периоду између 1853. и 1865. године, Станковић је одржавао приватне и професионалне контакте са пријатељима, познаницима и сарадницима, међу којима су биле значајне личности из различитих друштвених кругова и културно-политичке јавне сфере на подручју Хабзбуршке монархије и Кнежевине Србије. Сачувана писма сведоче о многобројним композиторовим професионалним активностима, о условима у којима је живео и радио и културно-историјским приликама којима је био изложен. У раду се доноси листа најзначајнијих Станковићевих кореспондената и кратак преглед садржаја писама. ; The aim of the research offered in this article was to present a group of letters from the correspondence of Kornelije Stanković, kept in the Serbian Archive in Belgrade. In the period between 1853 and 1865, Stanković corresponded with a great number of his collaborators, connoisseurs and friends from different social groups. Many of them were important figures in the cultural and political sphere in the Habsburg Monarchy and the Princedom of Serbia. Besides a complete list of letters, parts of particular letters from the most important Stanković's correspondents were discussed in this article. They testify about numerous composer's artistic activities and his professional environment, as well as his intimate everyday life, his relationships with friends and family, the state of his health and finances. This part of Stanković's correspondence was observed as a source of important information about the composer's role in Serbian musical and cultural history.

The phenomena of secret diplomacy and spheres of influence are closely related. History of international relations testify that the most common areas of interest are established through secret diplomacy. Nothing in this sense isn't changed even in the modern world. When you establish a balance of power between the great powers, then you must agree about access on the division of influence spheres. These arrangements are kept at a diplomatic level with the absence of the public. This agreements are secretly signed and its waiting for decades and centuries, and with many of that public will never be aware of. Spheres of influence (zone of interest) are usually created by a secret agreement between two or more major powers through secret diplomacy, and always at the expense of third countries (nation). It can be said that the struggle for spheres of influence was basically the cause of many, including world wars and after World War II continued the USA and the SSSR. History of the Balkan region and relations among people who inhabit it, clearly shows that he was for centuries the scene of clashes geopolitical interests of global power centers. At the present moment Balkan geopolitical scene is area for dominance of the great powers. At some point it will become the space establishment of interested spheres. That will happen through secret diplomacy.

For over a century, rumours have been spread from Croatia about Serbia's intention to create a Greater Serbia and its aspirations to greater Serbian hegemony. This has been a constant refrain in all anti-Serbian speeches delivered both before the Yugoslav and international public. On the one hand, the Serbs and Serbia were presented as aggressors with great territorial appetites, whereas on the other, the aim was to conceal one's own aggression and territorial pretensions to the ethnic, state and historical territories that belonged to others. Though such tactics is a well-known and long-lasting feature of Croatian politics, it has not been given an appropriate place and explanation in Serbian and foreign historiography. Croatia inherited such political approach from Austria-Hungary which demonised and satanised the Serbian intentions aimed at liberation and unification all the more so as its appetites towards the territories in the Balkans increased and as it more strongly expounded the German Drang nach Osten policy. According to such tactical approach, everything that was Serbian was proclaimed greater Serbian in order to nip in the bud and thwart Serbian interests which conflicted with the AustroHungarian ones. Following in the wake of Austro-Hungarian policy, in which they participated and often played the leading role, in all historical periods – from the 1848 revolution to this day the Croats have been denouncing Serbian often labelling it as greater Serbian. By reviling Serbhood and greater Serbhood, in which they saw the main rival to Croatdom and greater Croatdom, Croatian politicians did not only dream about a Greater Croatia, but also worked on building it, with determination and consistency, faithful to the principle that such end justifies all means, including even the genocidal annihilation of the Serbs. The Croatian aspirations to territorial enlargement have a rather long history. Although small in numbers and in a small territory, the Croats have fostered great imperial ambitions. This may be well illustrated with the various names such as: "Alpine or mountainous Croats" (Slovenes), "Orthodox Croats" (Serbs), "indisputable Croats" or the "flower of the Croatian nation" (Muslims), "Turkish Croatia", "Red Croatia", "White Croatia" or "Carpathian Croatia", which were the territories of Bosnia, Montenegro, Dalmatia and Slovenia. These names have been carefully cherished and for centuries instilled in the consciousness of a Croat with the aim to develop the awareness of Croatia's greatness and the numerical strength of the Croats. With the present two studies, I wish to demonstrate and prove when, how, on what foundations and with what objectives the Croats have endeavoured, from the 1848/49 revolution until the present time, to get hold of some parts or the entire territories of Vojvodina and Bosnia and Herzegovina. As precious data on this topic are scattered in different places, it is hard to gain insight into the entirety of this national, state-legal and geopolitical issue. With this in mind, I have elaborated in these papers, in a chronological sequence, on all important Croatian territorial claims on Vojvodina and Bosnia and Herzegovina. I have thus practically uncovered the decades-long greater Croatian politics and have provided concrete answers to the Croatian attacks at Serbia and the Serbs in regard to the so-called greater Serbian politics. I would also like to inform readers that this book is the second, supplemented and expanded edition of the book first published in 2012 in small print run (500 copies) and sold out a long time ago. Belgrade, 20 July 2016 Vasilije Đ. Krestić ; Посебна издања / Српска академија наука и уметности ; књ. 685. Председништво ; књ. 6

Dоktоrskа disеrtаciја prаti rаzvој kоncеpаtа pоlitičkе lеvicе, pоlitičkе dеsnicе i pоlitičkоg cеntrа, оd njihоvоg nаstаnkа svе dо dаnаšnjih dаnа. Krоz gеnеrаlnо rаzmаtrаnjе оvih kоncеpаtа dоktоrskа disеrtаciја nudi i niz mini-biоgrаfskih pоrtrеtа znаčајnih tеоrеtičаrа i držаvnikа, kојi su оbеlеžili pоmеnutе pојmоvе u еvrоpskој pоlitičkој i intеlеktuаlnој istоriјi. Аutоr disеrtаciје, pоrеd disciplinоvаnоg iznоšеnjа nаučnih činjеnicа, nа litеrаlаn nаčin prеzеntuје intеrеsаntnu gеnеrаlnu fаbulu u kојој sе kао glаvni аktеri pојаvlјuјu vоdеćе ličnоsti mоdеrnе еvrоpskе istоriје. Disеrtаciја prikаzuје kаkо ćе, nеkаdа јеdinstvеni pоlitički prоstоri lеvicе i dеsnicе, u pоstmоdеrnоm vrеmеnu biti pоdеlјеni grаđаnskim i аntigrаđаnskim shvаtаnjеm pоlitikе, dоk ćе pоdеlа nа lеvicu i dеsnicu u njihоvim klаsičnim оblicimа biti јоš sаmо sеkundаrnа. Dоktоrskа disеrtаciја pоkаzuје dа nаs tо dоvоdi u јеdnu nоvu tеоriјsku i prаktičnu situаciјu, tе аutоr disеrtаciје u zаklјučnim nаpоmеnаmа rаdа zаklјučuје dа ćе zа stаbilnоst, dеlоtvоrnоst i lеgitimnоst pоlitičkih instituciја nа pоčеtku 21. vеkа biti pоtrеbnа јеdnа nоvа pоstidеоlоškа pоlitikа i pоstidеоlоškа pоlitičkа sоciоlоgiја. ; Doctoral dissertation follows the development of the concepts of the Political Left, the Political Right and the Political Center from the time of their creation to the present day. Through a general discussion of these concepts dissertation offers a series of mini - biographical portraits of important scholars and statesmen, who epitomized these concepts in European political and intellectual history. Author of dissertation, together with disciplined presentation of scientific facts, offers the interesting general story in which as the main actors appear leading figures of modern European history. The dissertation shows how, in the past a unique political space of the Left and the Right, in the postmodern period will be divided by civil and anti-civic understanding of politics, while the division between the Left and the Right in their classical forms remains only secondary. Doctoral dissertation finally demonstrates that previous happenings brings us into a new theoretical and practical situation, and the author of the thesis in the concluding remarks of work concludes that for stability, effectiveness and legitimacy of political institutions at the beginning of the 21st century we need a new post-ideological politics and post-ideological political sociology.

In many of its areas, the writing of music history in Germany is characterised by the Romantic music outlook and its "Two-World-Model": the real world is seen as opposing the ideal world of music as a higher existence of ideas and ideals. Art music in the emphatic sense, commonly designated as serious music, pretends to represent that ideal world and makes claims to truthfulness. The science of music actually believes it is able to prove the universality of these claims. A large part of musicological publications are characterised by this assumption. However, a public discussion among musicologists as to whether such writings should belong to the field of theology rather than to historico-critical historiography (as a science in the strict sense) is non-existent. As a result, our field has not only disappeared from a public sphere that wishes to leave those claims to small elitist circles, but has also encountered a growing lack of understanding among other disciplines, even to the point of mockery. It would suffice here to refer to the lawyer Bernhard Weck, who wrote with regard to Beethoven's Opus 112: "Only musicology could prove that 'political ideas of freedom can be expressed through gestures of sound.'" ; У многим својим сегментима, писање историја музике у Немачкој карактерише романтичарска визура и њен "модел два света": реални свет се посматра као супротстављен идеалном свету музике као вишем ступњу постојања идеја и идеала. Уметничка музика у изворном смислу, обично означена термином "озбиљна музика", претвара се да представља тај идеалан свет и претендује на истинитост. Наука о музици заиста верује да може да докаже универзалност ових тврдњи. Знатан број музиколошких публикација карактерише ова претпоставка. Међутим, јавна дискусија међу музиколозима о томе да ли такви списи треба да припадају области теологије, а не историјско-критичкој историографији (као науци у строгом смислу) не постоји. Као резултат тога, наше поље није само нестало из јавне сфере, која жели да те тврдње остави малим елитистичким круговима, већ је наишло и на све већи недостатак разумевања међу другим дисциплинама, чак и до тачке ругања. Довољно је да се позовемо на речи адвоката Бернарда Века (Bernhard Weck), који је у вези са Бетовеновим опусом 112 написао: "Само музикологија може доказати да се 'политичке идеје слободе могу изразити звучним гестовима'." ; Часопис је индексиран на http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 и у међународној бази ProQuest. / The journal is indexed in http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 and in the international database ProQuest. Издавање ове публикације подржали су Министарство културе и информисања Републике Србије, Министарство просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије и СОКОЈ - Организација музичких аутора Србије / The publication of this volume was supported by the Ministry of Culture and Information of the Republic of Serbia, the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia and SOKOJ - Serbian Music Authors' Organization

Since this is a phenomenon of recent times, the significance of the politicization of music during the period of totalitarian rule in Bulgaria (1944–1989) is still unexplored. This paper focuses on the interplay between the political regime, musical life in Bulgaria, and the status of Bulgarian composers. Many books, articles, conferences and PhDs have been presented recently in the field of cultural studies, promoting a multidisciplinary approach in several fields. A new approach tothis dynamic period would clarify the overall development of Bulgarian musical culture in the twentieth century. ; Овај чланак је усмерен на међусобни однос политичког режима, музичког живота у Бугарској и статута бугарских композитора у раздобљу између 1944 и 1989. У новије време, бројни чланци, конференцијски радови и докторске дисертације промовишу област културних студија и интердисциплинарни приступ, који се обједињују историја, политикологија и музикологија. Тиме је на нов начин осветљен репертоар остварења компонованих и извођених у поменутом периоду. Након социјалистичке револуције у Бугарској 1944. године, социјалистички реализам постаје доминантна доктрина у музичкимг руговима. "Што је више међу људима, то је ближи животу!", гласила је нова идеологија. Током социјалистичког раздобља, уметности су биле финансиране (и регулисане) од стране цржаве, централизоване и снажно идеолошки усмерене. Уметници који нису били по вољи режиму били су елиминисани. Широм земље основане су нове оперске куће, симфонијски оркестри и средње музичке школе. Идеолошка ограничења нису нужно компромитовала уметничко изражавање, поготово током повремених периода либерализације (којима је дозвољена западноевропска књижевност и музика у Бугарској). Држава је такође контролисала Удружење бугарских композитора, производњу и дистрибуцију музичких албума и партитура, па чак и репертоар који се изводио у ресторанима. Композитори и музиколози су развијали нову соцреалистичку културу и промовисали бугарску музику у домаћим и интернационалним оквирима. Основани су нови фестивали бугарске музике, а бугарски фолклор је заменио неоромантичарски тренд карактеристичан за тридесете и четрдесетегодине ХХвека. Већини младих композитора и извођача није било дозвољено да студирају у иностранству, са изузетком Совјетског Савеза, нити да асимилују трендове савремене западноевропске музике. Након слома државног социјализма 1989. године, државна улагања у музику су смањена, те су појединци и ансамбли морали да се преоријентишу на тржишно пословање (док су у социјалистичком раздобљу плате и програми углавном били у надлежности Министарства културе). Од почетка XXI века, бугарски композитори разних генерација, као и извођачи, било да живе у Бугарској или у иностранству, настоје да промовишу савремену бугарску уметничку музику на престижним светским сценама.