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INTRODUCTION: With the word homophobia or homonegativity we mean the disease, the devaluation and the hostility for the homosexuals men or women. The researches say high levels of homophobia are correlated with the belief that homosexuality is against nature (Frost, 2010; Lingiardi, 2007). This thought may induce people to act with aggressively against LG population. METHOD: The aims of our research are: first contribute to the validation of the homophobia scales and second to compare the level of homophobia in a sample of university students. Participants: Our sample was of 300 students (M = 22.82, SD = 2.83; min = 19, max = 42, Measures: An Identifying Information Form was used to collect demographic information and the Italian scale, SIMO-G and SIMO-L (Lingiardi, 2005; Lingiardi et al. in press), to evaluate the level of homophobia. CONCLUSIONS: The results show an association between religion education, politics and level of social homophobia.

This article seeks to explore the implications of homophobic hostility beyond the question of individual injury. It suggests that in order to understand the cultural, or collective, implications of homophobic hostility it is necessary to position this hostility in the wider context of discursive statements of sexual visibility; that is, to consider how homophobic violence functions through the equivocal and ambiguous trope of visibility. To make this argument, the article draws upon an empirical study of sexuality, gender and homophobia, undertaken in Australia. This study suggests that the knowledge one has of homophobic hostility interacts with other factors to engender deeply embodied practices of self-surveillance that inevitably centre upon mapping the visible expressions of sexuality. Yet, the pleasure that is derived from flouting the danger of homophobia suggests that it might be helpful to consider the collective implications of homophobic violence as a question of 'management'. In light of the contested nexus between homosexuality and visibility, it is further suggested that the imperative to manage one's homosexuality as a means of negotiating safety is inevitably an imperative to manage the unmanageable.

This article explores the tensions and contradictions between the recognition of same-sex relationships and the development of legal prohibitions against discrimination on the one hand versus the ongoing symbolic and actual criminal regulation of gay sex on the other hand. I describe these tensions as they have unfolded over the last 40 years through the most recent attempts by the Liberal government of Justin Trudeau, elected in 2015, to reform the criminal law, to expunge the record of past criminal convictions for same-sex behavior, and to apologize and compensate lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer (LGBTQ) communities for past discrimination. I argue that this bifurcated pattern of public policy change and legal reform demonstrates the persistence of political homophobia alongside of homonationalist celebration of queer normativity. By considering the federal government's long-standing failure to reform criminal laws that encapsulate formal-legal inequality of LGBTQ people, the article highlights the persistence of homophobic public policy alongside homonationalist policy discourse and genuine progress in the legal recognition of queer rights. I conclude by considering the implications of this mix for theorizing homophobia and homonationalism in law and policy.

Pride marches in all Balkan capitals all came with similar demands: stopping hate speech and hate crimes fueled by widespread homophobia and transphobia.

Book Cover; Title; Contents; Acknowledgements; Introduction: impetus; Looking through experience; Disorder; Different territory: a question of intersectionality?; Body maps: envisaging homophobia, violence and safety; Backlight and shadow: constituting danger; Violence: an instrument of power; Notes; Bibliography; Index.

PurposeThis paper seeks to answer the practical question whether the institutionalisation level of same‐sex relationships can affect the social acceptance of lesbian women and gay men in Europe, and highlight some of the factors that can potentially determine the incidence of homophobia in 26 European countries.Design/methodology/approachThe study contributes to the literature on acceptance of lesbian women and gay men in Europe by using the European Social Survey dataset, focusing especially on a key variable measuring the agreement level with the statement that gay men and lesbians should be free to live their own life as they wish. For data analyses, explanatory models were constructed by applying multilevel mixed‐effects linear regression.FindingsThe study presented empirically tested arguments that the introduction of same‐sex partnership legislation can lead to a decrease of anti‐gay/lesbian attitudes, as has happened in the European countries examined in this study.Research limitations/implicationsFuture research in more societies is needed to examine the long‐term effects of the introduction of same‐sex partnership legislation on homophobia.Social implicationsA key policy implication of highlighting that the provision of equal rights for gay and lesbian citizens in the form of same‐sex marriage and registered partnership can positively influence attitudes, is to urge policy‐makers to introduce these legal frameworks in order to create a more inclusive society.Originality/valueThe content presented in this paper is based on the authors' own original research.

Spain has seen in recent years a legislative progress regarding the defence of gender equalities. Schools have the obligation to educate their students with a critical view of androcentric society that exists in the country. At the legal level, heterosexuality and homosexuality are sexual orientations in Spain that have reached full equality. However, this sexual diversity, which both laws and most of Spanish society assume with no problems, doesn't find a parallel development in the Spanish educational system. This study aims to understand the perceptions of youth regarding homophobia and heterosexism in Physical Education classes. The research was carried out with the participation of 245 students from the Faculty of Educational Sciences at the University of Seville. The participants responded to a questionnaire concerning heterosexist and homophobic behaviours perceived during their secondary education. The results show the generalization of heterosexist behaviours, as well as the high percentage of students who have witnessed or experienced firsthand homophobic behaviours. Furthermore, we see a lack of awareness in that sense among Physical Education teachers. Consequently, we highlight the need to educate and to sensitize the Physical Education teacher providing them with appropriate intervention strategies, and fostering the knowledge about heterosexism and homophobia in the field of Physical Education.

Homophobia, a phenomenon firmly rooted in intolerance, refers to negative attitudes towards homosexual individuals. Being a social and cultural phenomenon, the media can act as a tool to highlight changes in attitudes to LGBTQI reality. The aim of this paper is to analyse representations of homophobia by comparing articles published in two Italian daily newspapers: " La Repubblica " and " L'Unità ". The articles published in 2002 and 2012 were chosen in order to investigate the differences and determine whether there have been changes in the portrayal of this phenomenon in the media. Attention focused on the thematic section and the publishing format, the gender of the journalist and the font style used by the author to describe events. In 2002 16 articles appeared in " La Repubblica " , while the figure jumped to 246 in 2012, an increase of more than 900%. Between 2002 and 2012 there was a 31% increase in local articles. " L'Unità " featured 17 articles in 2002, as compared to 95 in 2012, a rise of over 400%. The interval between the two years selected saw the number of national articles decrease by 12%. Overall however, the remarkable increase in the total number of articles emphasises the impact on public opinion, and the larger amount of space dedicated to this issue probably indicates a greater degree of open-mindedness in the political and legislative fields.

"Evangelical Christians and members of the global LGBTQI human rights movement have vied for influence in Haiti since the 2010 earthquake. Each side accuses the other of serving foreign interests. Yet each proposes future foreign interventions on behalf of their respective causes despite the country's traumatic past with European colonialism and American imperialism. As Erin L. Durban shows, two discourses dominate discussions of intervention. One maintains imperialist notions of a backward Haiti so riddled with cultural deficiencies that foreign supervision is necessary to overcome Haitians' resistance to progress. The other sees Haiti as a modern but failed state that exists only through its capacity for violence, including homophobia. In the context of these competing claims, Durban explores the creative ways that same-sex desiring and gender creative Haitians contend with anti-LGBTQI violence and ongoing foreign intervention. Compelling and thought-provoking, The Sexual Politics of Empire examines LGBTQI life in contemporary Haiti against the backdrop of American imperialism and intervention"--