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Psychoanalysis is at once a system of thought, a toolkit for cultural diagnosis and criticism, and a therapeutic practice. In Dagmar Herzog's exciting new book Cold War Freud: Psychoanalysis in an Age of Catastrophes, psychoanalysis is among the most transformative intellectual events of the twentieth century and is itself transformed by that century's roiling forces, shaping and profoundly shaped by politics and culture. Foregrounding the historicity of psychoanalysis requires Herzog to wrest psychoanalysis from its own claims to historical transcendence. "While psychoanalysis is often taken to be ahistorical in its view of human nature," Herzog writes, "the opposite is the case" (2). After Freud's death, during the heyday of psychoanalysis in the 1940s and 1950s, through challenges to its authority in the 1960s and 1970s, to what Herzog calls its "second golden age" in the 1980s, the analytic frame offered by psychoanalysis (and the debates it generated) helped people grapple with the aftermath of the horrors of the Second World War and offered novel ways of thinking about the most important questions of the postwar decades: about aggression, guilt, trauma, the capacity for violence, indeed about "the very nature of the human self and its motivations" (1).

Introduction: Politicized homophobia in Malawi -- The politicization of same-sex sexualities in Malawi -- Trials of love: the rise of politicized homophobia -- The repressive "wedge" politics of politicized homophobia -- Arrested solidarity: why some movements do not support LGBT rights -- Under duress: sexual minorities' perceptions about the effects of politicized homophobia -- Conclusion: The reach and limits of politicized homophobia

" Examining nine "case histories" that reveal the origins and evolution of homophobic attitudes in modern Russia, Dan Healey asserts that the nation's contemporary homophobia can be traced back to the particular experience of revolution, political terror and war its people endured after 1917. The book explores the roots of homophobia in the Gulag, the rise of a visible queer presence in Soviet cities after Stalin, and the political battles since 1991 over whether queer Russians can be valued citizens. Healey also reflects on the problems of "memorylessness" for Russia's LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender) movement more broadly and the obstacles it faces in trying to write its own history. The book makes use of little-known source material -- much of it untranslated archival documentation -- to explore how Russians have viewed same-sex love and gender transgression since the mid20th century. Russian Homophobia from Stalin to Sochi provides a compelling background to the culture wars over the status of gay citizens in Russia today, whilst serving as a key text for all students of Russian social history over the last hundred years. "--

The aims of this study were to develop a sexual orientation attitude scale and use it to investigate the attitudes of psychiatrists, other physicians and first year medical students toward homosexuals and homosexuality in Ankara, Turkey. A cross-sectional study was performed with three groups including psychiatrists (n = 147), non-psychiatric physicians (n = 224) and first year medical students (n  =  280). A scale with 43 items consisting of four subscales (heterosexism, homophobia, homonegativity, neutrality) was developed which showed high internal consistency, validity and reliability in this sample of Turkish individuals. The internal consistency coefficients (Cronbach's alpha) for the subscales were 0.85-0.86, 0.95-0.95, 0.95-0.95, and 0.85-0.86, respectively. Being male, single, a graduate of a religious (Imam Hatip) or vocational high school, of rural origin, a student, more religious, heterosexual and studying at university hospitals were found to be related to higher scores (indicating more negative attitudes) on all subscales and the total scale and these differences were significant. Students had the highest scores and psychiatrists had the lowest scores in all subscales and the total scale. The results of this study indicate that physicians and medical students have negative attitudes toward homosexuals and that medical training on sexual health issues should be improved in Turkey.

Introduction : mapping the conundrum -- Approaching men and masculinities -- Hegemonic masculinity : stability, change and transformation -- Homosociality : misogyny, fraternity and new intimacies -- Homophobia, "otherness" and inclusivity -- Heteronormativity, intimacy and the erotic -- Post-masculinity : thinking over the limits of masculinity -- Conclusion: conundrums and concepts

Quantum Leap 2.0 or the Western gaze on Russian homophobiaThis paper analyzes recent discourses about Russian homophobia within Anglophone media. It argues that western liberal media, supranational institutions such as the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), and gay rights activists create discourses that center gay issues in the midst of an East-West oppositionality. Such a binary construction creates the image of a just, democratic and homophile West in opposition to an undemocratic, unjust, homophobic East, dominated by Russia. It attaches the notions of progress, equality and freedom not only to a homo-tolerant or homo-inclusive legislation and society, but actually binds all these aspects to the global territory of Western nations. Russia, Eastern Europe and Eurasia, on the other hand, become attached to the notion of homophobia, hence backwardness, and anti-modern conservatism. The key figures and visual representations of all these discourses, that simultaneously signify western homo-tolerant progress as well as Russian anti-gay backwardness are white young gay men, who became victims of anti-gay violence. In using images of frightened, beaten or otherwise harmed young white men, liberal media, supranational institutions, and gay rights activists render the gay subject not only as vulnerable, and without agency, but also as globally uniform and carrier of western insignia. In this way, gays are symbolized by western signs, and become symbols themselves, standing in for western progress, modernity and development. Somehow paradoxically, such a focus on gay men allows for ignorance towards lesbians, transgender, intersex and other queers as well as the troubling nationalism, homophobia and racism within Western, Anglophone countries, such as the USA or the UK. Moreover, it allows for what Kulpa calls "leveraged pedagogy," a condemnation or reprimand of Russian policies, from a point of moral and ethical (western) superiority. "Zagubiony w czasie" 2.0 albo zachodnie spojrzenie na rosyjską homofobięPrzedmiotem niniejszej analizy są dyskursy o rosyjskiej homofobii obecne we współczesnych mediach anglojęzycznych. Autorka stwierdza, że zachodnie liberalne media, aktywiści gejowscy oraz organizacje ponadnarodowe, takie jak Europejski Trybunał Praw Człowieka, budują dyskurs umieszczający kwestię gejowską w centrum opozycji Wschód-Zachód. Taka binarna konstrukcja tworzy obraz praworządnego, demokratycznego i przyjaznego homoseksualistom Zachodu przeciwstawionego niedemokratycznemu, niesprawiedliwemu i homofobicznemu Wschodowi, zdominowanemu przez Rosję. Łączy ona idee postępu, równości i wolności nie tylko z tolerancyjnym i włączającym prawodawstwem, ale wiąże te aspekty z samym terytorium państw zachodnich. Z drugiej strony Rosja, Europa Wschodnia i Eurazja zostają skojarzone z ideami homofobii, zacofania i antynowoczesnego konserwatyzmu. Kluczowymi postaciami i reprezentacją wizualną tych dyskursów, która ukazuje zarówno zachodni tolerancyjny dla homoseksualizmu postęp, jak i rosyjskie antygejowskie zacofanie, stają się młodzi biali mężczyźni, którzy padli ofiarą homofobicznej przemocy. Wykorzystując obrazy przerażonych, pobitych, czy w inny sposób skrzywdzonych młodych białych mężczyzn, liberalne media, instytucje międzynarodowe i aktywiści gejowscy nie tylko przedstawiają gejów jako bezbronnych i pozbawionych sprawczości, ale również jako jednolitą grupę nosicieli zachodnich wartości. W ten sposób utożsamieni z symbolami Zachodu geje sami stają się symbolami zachodniego postępu, nowoczesności i rozwoju. Paradoksalnie, skupienie się na homoseksualnych mężczyznach pozwala lekceważyć lesbijki, osoby transpłciowe, interseksualne czy w inny sposób nieheteronormatywne. Pozwala również przemilczeć kłopotliwy nacjonalizm, homofobię i rasizm w państwach anglojęzycznego Zachodu, takich jak USA i Wielka Brytania. Umożliwia ono wreszcie potępianie przez Zachód rosyjskiej polityki z pozycji moralnej i etycznej wyższości, które Robert Kulpa określa mianem "pedagogiki nacisku".