Suchergebnisse

Never bury my bones apart from yours : Iliad reception in Xena : Warrior Princess / Sarah Brucia Breitenfeld -- Achilles and Patroclus revisited (again) / David Delbar -- #Patrochilles : find the phallus / Bruce M. King and Lynn Kozak -- Of late I dream of Lesbos : Renée Vivien's Queer utopias in the Aeolian mode / J.L. Watson -- A Hollywood-Bowl Tiresias : antiquity and trans-identity in Gore Vidal's Myra Breckinridge and Myron / Quentin J. Broughall -- Panic in the Oikos : female bodies, [re]productive anxiety and wasted landscapes in Greek myth and dystopian SF / Larissa Tittl -- Je sentis tout mon corps et transir et ḅrûler : sublimating ancient sexuality in Jean Racine's Phèdre et Hippolyte / Mary Hamil Gilbert -- On the reception of same-sex marriage in classical Greece and beyond / K.R. Moore -- Ancient and modern receptions of eunuchs with a focus on Alexander's Bagoas / Andrew Michael Chugg -- The sexuality of the Argeads / Sabine Müller -- Alexander the Great and Hephaiston in fiction after Stonewall / Jeanne Reames -- Patterns of force : receptions of Agesilaus II, disability, and Greek sexuality / Alexandra F. Morris -- A revised interpretation of the Ancient Greek Hetaira / Stephanie Lynn Budin -- Those infamous females : the (ancient) reception of the sexuality of Hellenistic queens / Alex McAuley and Ana Garcia Espinos -- Dover, Foucault and the rules of South African mine marriages / Susan L. Haskins -- Two case studies on receptions of sex and power : Lucretia and Verginia / Paul Chrystal -- Seduction skills of Queen Cleopatra and definitions of masculinity in the Roman literature / Jaakkojuhani Peltonen -- Women's Virgil : reception as re-imagination / Charlie Kerrigan -- The poet, the Puella, and the penis : impotence and elegiac failure in Maximianus and Ovid / Grace Funsten -- Boudica as a literary figure in Cassius Dio / Heiko Kammers -- The influence of Roman laws on same-sex acts on twenty-first century homophobia in Africa / Susan L. Haskins -- Roman gender in the Roman de silence / Sash (Alexandra) Katharine Kelly -- Perfumes for men, perfumes for women : the uses of scents and the prejudice of corruption in the Graeco-Roman world / Giuseppe Squillace -- Thirteen days were devoted to serving her passion : Amazon Queen Thalestris as a sexual male fantasy in Roman historiography and medieval epic / Jaakkojuhani Peltonen -- The reception of classical masculinity in women's historical novels / Leanne Bibby -- The sexuality of the tyrant in Greek and Latin literature and in The walking dead / Sabine Müller -- Graeco-Roman worship of the beloved : the ancient and modern cults of Antinous / Andrew Michael Chugg -- Transgender saints : Perpetua's legacy / Barbara Gold -- A prehistory of intersex, or; The lives and afterlives of the hermaphrodite / Chris Mowat -- Female agency in Greek tragedy and its receptions in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries / Lorna Hardwick.

Introduction -- Thinking Straightness: An Introduction to Critical Heterosexualities StudiesJames Joseph Dean and Nancy L. Fischer Part 1: Origins, Histories, Theories 1. Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence Adrienne Cecile Rich 2. Bodily Inscriptions, Performative Subversions Judith Butler 3. The Invention of Heterosexuality Jonathan Ned Katz 4. Critique of Compulsory Heterosexuality Steven Seidman Part 2: Heterosexualities Across the Life Course 5. Normalizing Heterosexuality: Mothers' Assumptions, Talk, and Strategies with Young Children Karin A. Martin 6. Your Father Wouldn't Like It: The Social Construction of Heterosexuality in Early Childhood Emily W. Kane 7. Coming Out: Gender, (Hetero)Sexuality and the Primary School Emma Renold 8. The Ambiguity of Having Sex: The Subjective Experience of Virginity Loss in the United States Laura M. Carpenter 9. Hooking Up: Hot Heterosex or the New Numb Normative? Rachel Kalish and Michael Kimmel 10. Speaking as a Heterosexual: (How) Does Sexuality Matter for Talk-in-Interaction? Celia Kitzinger11. A Heterosexual Life: Older Women and Agency within Marriage and the Family Jenny Hockey, Angela Meah, and Victoria Robinson Part 3: Straight Identities and Intersections of Race, Class, and Gender 12. Prisons for Our Bodies, Closets for Our Minds: Racism, Heterosexism, and Black SexualityPatricia Hill Collins 13. Displaying Heterosexuality in An Inner City Carissa M. Froyum 14. Straight Women: Doing and Undoing Compulsory Heterosexuality in Post-Closeted American Culture James Joseph Dean 15. Guys are Just Homophobic: Rethinking Adolescent Homophobia and Heterosexuality C.J. Pascoe 16. Sprinkle Some Gay on my Straight: Hybrid Hegemonic Masculinities in a Post-Gay Era Tristan Bridges and Kendell Ota 17. Doing Gender, Doing Heteronormativity: Gender Normals, Transgender People, and the Social Maintenance of Heterosexuality Kristen Schilt and Laurel Westbrook Part 4: Straight States 18. Introduction to The Straight State: Sexuality and Citizenship in Twentieth Century America Margot Canaday 19. Uganda's Anti-homosexuality Bill: Reflections from a Transnational Frame Marcia Oliver 20. One is not Born a Bride: How Weddings Regulate Heterosexuality Chrys Ingraham 21. Promoting Marriage for America: The Intimate Relationship Between the State and Heterosexuality Melanie Heath Part 5: Rethinking Sexual Fluidity, Straight Privilege, and Allyship 22. Straight Girls Kissing: Heteroflexibility in the College Party Scene Leila J. Rupp, Verta Taylor and Janelle M. Pham 23. A Mixed-Method Study of Same-Sex Kissing among College-Attending Heterosexual Men Eric Anderson and Mark McCormack 24. Bud-Sex: Constructing Normative Masculinity Among Rural Straight Men That Have Sex with Men Tony Silva 25. 'Straight with a Pinch of Bi': The Contours of Male Heteroflexibility Hector Carrillo and Amanda Hoffman 26. No Homo Joshua R. Brown 27. With Allies Like These...: Toward a Sociology of Straight Allies Patrick R. Grzanka

This article analyzes the iconic expressions of the memorial quilts for those who have died from AIDS from an anthropological perspective.The purpose of this article is to show how the quilts can be considered ethnographic objects. To do this, the ethnographic documents and materials used (field notes and photographs) are reexamined from participant observation that took place during the exhibition of the quilts in several anti-AIDS events at the end of the 1990s in Mexico City. It is clear that in spite of their weak reception on a local level, they are important cultural manifestations that channeled expressions of grief and political protest on behalf of the people who have died of HIV-AIDS and thereby created a culture of prevention. Furthermore, as ethnographic objects, the quilts contribute valuable qualities and characteristics so that the social construction of the epidemic can be better understood. The quilts' function is also of great importance to understand the diverse groups of human beings and the subcultures that created the quilts' stories that, in turn, solidified a movement to battle AIDS and to fight against homophobia and discrimination within the gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender community of Mexico City and the world. Finally, by evaluating the current status of AIDS as a "chronic disease," it is suggested that we ethnographically analyze new global and local cultural expressions as they relate to this epidemic. ; Este artículo analiza,desde la perspectiva antropológica, las expresiones iconográficas de las mantas conmemorativas de los muertos por Sida con el propósito de develar su dimensión como objetos etnográficos. Para ello, se retoman los documentos etnográficos elaborados (notas de campo y fotografías) a partir de la observación participante realizada durante la exhibición de las mantas en algunos eventos antisida de finales de los años noventa del siglo pasado en la ciudad de México. Se concluye que las mantas conmemorativas, a pesar de su débil arraigo en el ámbito local, son importantes manifestaciones culturales que canalizaron las expresiones de duelo y protesta política por las personas fallecidas a causa del VIH-Sida, generando con ello una cultura de la prevención. Además, como objetos etnográficos, aportan valiosos elementos para entender la construcción social de la pandemia, a los diversos grupos humanos y a las subculturas que construyeron las historias del movimiento de lucha contra el Sida y del movimiento lésbico, gay, bisexual y transgenérico en la ciudad de México y en el mundo.Finalmente, ante el estatus actual del Sida como "enfermedad crónica", se sugiere analizar etnográficamente las nuevas expresiones culturales globales y locales en torno a esa pandemia.

Scholarship on metal always seems a little bewildered or put on the defensive by the genre's profoundly adversarial nature. Metal certainly opposes something, and to a large extent is defined by this opposition rather than by any obvious message of its own, but what exactly does it oppose? Certain political values? Certain kinds of music? Certain religions? Or does it represent a vague opposition to "things in general;" is it the music of rebellion without a cause? The short answer, judging by the academic treatments under review here as well as earlier attempts to censor it, is that it opposes whatever its interpreters want it to. Thus its critics site accusations of racism, sexism, and homophobia, while supporters praise its supposed opposition to capitalism, strict gender roles, and even the concept of order itself. Many of these metal partisans, especially those whose primary concern is the rehabilitation of an art form often perceived as ethically problematic, spend so much time explaining away its disturbing features that they ignore the possibility that disturbance is precisely the point. Even those who do recognize disturbance as a fundamental aim of metal and call attention to the specific forms that that disturbance takes, such as expressions of animosity toward certain groups of people, often fail to explain why listeners are attracted to these sounds. That the appeal doesn't lie only in bigotry is clear from the growing number of fans who come from the very groups that have been the most stigmatized in metal-women, ethnic minorities, religiously observant people, and queer women and men. The following essay will not fully explain either the genre's lust for enmity in all forms or the perverse attraction that this spirit of antagonism holds for fans, but it will at least review current scholarly thought on these subjects and suggest some possible avenues for future exploration. I will provide a brief overview of the scholarship that first legitimized the study of metal and consider three recent books that each turn the notion of metal's enmity toward other things into an analytical methodology; that is, they attempt to define it by what it is not and by what it opposes. The books cast metal in opposition to certain political values, kinds of music, and religious/philosophical worldviews. Out of our discussion-imbued with the recognition that metal exists only in opposition, enmity, and negativity toward something else-will emerge a sense of the elusiveness of this art form as a subject of inquiry and the difficulty of finding a methodological approach that fully captures its strangeness, darkness, and hostility toward analysis.

"Gender non-conforming and sexual minority youth are overrepresented in the homeless youth population and are frequently discriminated against in shelters and youth serving organizations. This paper provides a contextual understanding of the ways that institutional and governmental policies and standards often perpetuate the social exclusion of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and 2-Spirit (LGBTQ2S) youth, by further oppression and marginalization. Factors, including institutional erasure, homophobic and transphobic violence, and discrimination that is rarely dealt with, addressed, or even noticed by shelter workers, make it especially difficult for LGBTQ2S youth experiencing homelessness to access support services, resulting in a situation where they feel safer on the streets than in shelters and housing programs. This paper draws on data from a qualitative Critical Action Research study that investigated the experiences of a group of LGBTQ2S homeless youth and the perspectives of staff in shelters through one-on-one interviews in Toronto, Canada. One of the main recommendations of the study included the need for governmental policy to address LGBTQ2S youth homelessness. A case study is shared to illustrate how the Government of Alberta has put this recommendation into practice by prioritizing LGBTQ2S youth homelessness in their provincial plan to end youth homelessness. The case study draws on informal and formal data, including group activities, questions, and surveys that were collected during a symposium on LGBTQ2S youth homelessness. This paper provides an overview of a current political, social justice, and public health concern, and contributes knowledge to an under researched field of study by highlighting concrete ways to prevent, reduce, and end LGBTQ2S youth homelessness." (author's abstract)

Preliminary Material -- NATURALIZING HOMOSEXUALITY: BIOLOGY, SEXUAL ORIENTATION, AND THE NATURE/CULTURE DISTINCTION /Patrick D. Hopkins -- SEEING SEXUAL ORIENTATION THROUGH THE LENS OF GENDER /Edward Stein -- WHAT MUST A BISEXUAL DO? /Carol V.A. Quinn -- FIRST GAYS, THEN POLYGAMISTS? /John Corvino -- AUTONOMY, GAY RIGHTS, AND HUMAN SELF-FULFILLMENT: AN ARGUMENT FOR MODIFIED LIBERALISM /Vincent J. Samar -- INTRODUCTION TO THE PHILOSOPHER AS "PUBLIC INTELLECTUAL" /Raja Halwani -- MORAL EXPERTISE? CONSTITUTIONAL NARRATIVES AND PHILOSOPHICAL ARGUMENT /Martha C. Nussbaum -- DOES THE PUBLIC INTELLECTUAL HAVE INTELLECTUAL INTEGRITY? /Linda Martín Alcoff -- MINORITIES AND THE PHILOSOPHICAL MARKETPLACE /Jorge J. E. Gracia -- THE SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY OF PROFESSIONAL SOCIETIES /DAVID L. HULL -- RESPONDING TO HATE CRIMES /Claudia Card -- LGBT PHILOSOPHY AND UNDERGRADUATE TEACHING /Mark Chekola -- THE USE AND MISUSE OF PRIVACY IN THE OUTING DEBATE /Mark Chekola -- PROMISCUITY AND SEXUAL TEMPERANCE /Raja Halwani -- THE COALESCENCE OF DICHOTOMY IN DRAG AESTHETICS /Bassam Romaya -- "THE WAR ON TERROR" AND THE QUEER BODY: SAME-SEX MARRIAGE, AIDS, AND SHAPING UNITED STATES PUBLIC OPINION /Mary K. Bloodsworth-Lugo and Carmen R. Lugo-Lugo -- MARTIN HEIDEGGER AND THE PLACE OF THE BODY /George Wright -- QUEER PORTRAITURE AND THE POLITICS OF REPRESENTATION /Kayley Vernallis -- GAY IDENTITY: WHAT DO WE WANT? /Andy Wible -- IS IT A CHOICE? SEXUAL ORIENTATION AS INTERPRETATION /William S. Wilkerson -- MORE THAN JUST ACCESS TO OUR PARTNERS: A SOCIAL JUSTICE APPROACH TO HETEROSEXISM AND HOMOPHOBIA IN HEALTH CARE /Allison B. Wolf -- CELEBRATING THE CAREER OF RICHARD D. MOHR: A PERSONAL HISTORICAL NARRATIVE /Claudia Card -- HONORING RICHARD D. MOHR /John Corvino -- IN HONOR OF RICHARD D. MOHR /Raja Halwani -- A RESPONSE TO MY CRITICS: REFLECTIONS ON THE SLGP'S SESSION "SPECIAL RECOGNITION: DISTINGUISHED LGBT PHILOSOPHER HONOREE, RICHARD D. MOHR" /Richard D. Mohr -- A RESPONSE TO RICHARD D. MOHR /Raja Halwani -- LIVES AND LOVES THAT DARED NOT SPEAK THEIR NAMES: WELL-BEING AND LGBT PERSONS /Mark Chekola -- BEYOND TRAGEDY TO WHAT? /Claudia Card -- MARK CHEKOLA'S HAPPINESS /Raja Halwani -- SINGULARITY AND COMMUNITY: AN APPRECIATION OF MARK CHEKOLA /Anita Silvers -- HONORING MARK CHEKOLA /Carol V.A. Quinn -- WALKING IN OUR HEELS? MEDIA, IDENTITY, AND PEDAGOGY /Christopher La Barbera -- DISCIPLINING THE PUBLIC: ENEMY COMBATANTS, SAME-SEX MARRIAGE AND A NEW KIND OF CONTAINMENT /Carmen R. Lugo-Lugo and Mary K. Bloodsworth-Lugo -- RACISM AND THE POLITICAL ROMANCE OF THE BROWNING OF AMERICA /Ronald R. Sundstrom -- THE SPECIAL OBLIGATION OF GAY MEN TO FIGHT HIV AT HOME AND ABROAD /Andy Wible -- THE BISEXUAL WOMAN AS AN INAUTHENTIC LESBIAN: FROM BEAUVOIR TO THE L WORD /James A. Martell -- WHY COMING OUT IS RATIONAL /Gary Jaeger -- CATHOLICS AND EVANGELICAL PROTESTANTS ON HOMOEROTIC DESIRE: THE INTELLECTUAL LEGACY OF AUGUSTINIAN AND PELAGIAN THEORIES OF HUMAN NATURE /Richard Nunan -- HETERONORMATIVITY AND (SARTRE ON) ANTI-SEMITISM /Christine Pierce -- MILL, DIGNITY, AND HOMOSEXUALITY /Carol V.A. Quinn -- KANT, DIGNITY, AND THE GAY BATHHOUSE /James A. Martell -- ON MY RELUCTANCE TO DEFEND A QUEER POINT OF VIEW /Carol V.A. Quinn -- ABOUT THE AUTHOR(S) -- INDEX -- VIBS.

Este trabajo tiene como tema la revelación del secreto de la homosexualidad a los padres, por medio de cartas, en un libro-arte. Se realizó un levantamiento de datos en las redes sociales, con amigos, familiares y otras personas que pudieran ceder sus correspondencias y obtener de ellas algunos retornos positivos. Del universo investigado, se entrevistó a todas las personas que escribieron cartas, cuyas edades fluctuaban entre los 18-27 años. Se trabajó con la hipótesis de que las cartas son documentos importantes, gracias a las cuales los padres toman conocimiento sobre la sexualidad de sus hijos. Conjuntamente con las entrevistas y la performance que el propio lector tendrá del libro-arte, las personas analizarán y se sentirán cercanas a esta situación. Las cartas muestran las dificultades de los homosexuales al revelar su verdadera sexualidad, como también el sufrimiento emocional, el miedo de la reacción de los padres y la dificultad como joven al contar algo que, hace mucho tiempo, está guardado como secreto. Este medio de comunicación tiene un papel muy importante en la vida de una familia, y el libro-arte es el soporte para darle el debido valor. Las investigaciones bibliográficas ayudan a entender qué es un secreto y la homosexualidad como uno de ellos. Se aborda también la homofobia en la historia, la carta como un papel importante en la revelación de la sexualidad de un joven a sus padres y cómo el libro-arte es necesario para la interacción del lector.It's been a while since I have to tell you something..., ...That I did not dare sayThe work is a research into how the secret of homosexuality is revealed to the family, through letters in a book-art. A survey on social networks, with friends, family and others who could give his correspondence was conducted. Thus, people who identified themselves contacted. The survey universe interviews were conducted with those who wrote the letter: young 18-27 years. We hypothesized that the letters are important documents through which the family becomes aware of the sexuality of children. And along with the interviews and the timely performace that the reader will have with the book-art, people analyze and feel belonging to the situation. The letters show the difficulties of homossexual to reveal his/her true sexuality, but also the emotional distress, fear of parental reaction and the difficulty of the young count something that has long been kept secret. This medium has a very important role in the life of a family, and the book-art will be the support to give due value. The bibliographical research help to understand what is a secret and homosexuality as one. It also addresses homophobia in history, the letter as an important role in revealing the sexuality of a young man to his family and as the book-art is necessary for reader interaction.

From the 1940s to the late 1970s, rank-and-file teachers and elected leaders in California engaged in dynamic efforts to shape the American Federation of Teachers' political approach to unionism. This study considers organizing by rank-and-file teachers in this period, both inside the American Federation of Teachers and independently, to promote left-led social unionism. In contrast to a more politically moderate and narrow version of unionism (often referred to as business unionism), advocates of social unionism have sought to simultaneously improve workplace-based rights and benefits while also engaging in movements to challenge social injustice defined more broadly. More specifically, from the late 1940s to the late 1970s rank-and-file teachers in California made challenging various forms of discrimination central to their vision of social unionism. This study examines four case studies that helped to determine the AFT's political approach to unionism. It begins with a discussion of AFT Local 430 in the late 1940s, a left-led teachers' union in Los Angeles that prioritized organizing against racism due to the involvement of Communist Party members in its leadership. In 1948 the national AFT leadership expelled AFT Local 430 on charges of communist domination, marking a political turning point within the AFT nationally; where once the AFT was left-led and strongly committed to anti-racism, the union became more politically moderate and less committed to struggles against discrimination. The next three case studies consider rank-and-file teachers' efforts to revive and redefine social unionism from the late 1960s to the late 1970s. Influenced by the new social movements of the period, rank-and-file teachers in California revived the AFT's earlier anti-racist tradition, but the new social unionism also challenged a wider range of oppressions. The new social unionism was aligned with advocates of Black Power and the Third World left, a resurgent feminism, and, for the first time in a significant way, gay and lesbian rights. Teachers' organizing also speaks to the relationship of the labor movement to social movements of people of color as they turned toward militancy in the late 1960s, the feminist movement of the late 1960s to early 1970s, and the gay and lesbian movement of the late 1970s. Additionally, bottom-up democratic unionism was a defining feature of the new social unionism in the 1960s and 1970s. The self-organization of rank-and-file teachers and locally-based elected leaders, rather than national leaders, pushed the AFT to more forcefully take on racism, sexism, and homophobia. Organizing by rank-and-file teachers in California in the late 1960s and 1970s demonstrates that the AFT was not politically monolithic. The history of the AFT in California reveals a relatively politically progressive union engaged with social movements in an effort to generate social change on a broad scale.

Este artigo aborda os desafios enfrentados quando se busca modificar os regimes de desigualdade na escola envolvendo atributos de gênero e sexualidade. Utiliza-se a etnografia de cenas escolares em três escolas públicas de Porto Alegre, as quais são palco de ações autoclassificadas como de "combate à homofobia", "respeito pela diversidade" e "inclusão para todos". Não se trata de fazer uma avaliação das políticas públicas, uma vez que há pouca envergadura do trabalho de campo, mas a reflexão sobre o que foi observado e relatado tem importância como insumo de monitoramento e avaliação das ações, bem como para estimular a reflexão teórica acerca das categorias conceituais em que tais ações se baseiam. O texto está estruturado em três unidades. Na primeira, percorre-se parte da complexa discussão conceitual e política que hoje envolve categorias como diferença, diversidade, inclusão, igualdade e desigualdade, em articulação com as categorias do campo específico: gênero, sexualidade e masculinidades no espaço escolar. Na segunda unidade, explicita-se o método de etnografia de cenas escolares, situando o contexto das escolas e dos grupos de alunos. A terceira narra algumas cenas, articulando seu conteúdo com questões de ordem teórica e com diretrizes de políticas públicas vigentes na área. A principal hipótese aqui desenvolvida é de que as ações escolares parecem querer valorizar a diversidade sem tocar no estatuto da heteronormatividade, o que compromete seu alcance. ; This paper addresses the challenges one faces when attempting to change the basis of inequality in school associated with attributes of gender and sexuality. Ethnographic procedures are utilized to describe school scenes in three public schools in the city Porto Alegre, which are the stage where actions self-rated as intended to "fight homophobia", "respect towards diversity" and "inclusion of all". The aim is not evaluate public policies, since there is little span of field work, instead the reflection on what has been observed and reported is important as an input for monitoring and assessing actions, as well as to stimulate theoretical thinking about the conceptual categories on which such actions are based. The text is structured in three units. The first one deals with the complex conceptual and political discussion that currently involves categories such as difference, diversity, inclusion, equality and inequality, in articulation with the specific field categories: genders, sexuality and masculinities in the school environment. The second unit brings the ethnographic method for school scenes, assigning the context of the schools and groups of students. The third unit narrates some scenes and articulates their contents with theoretical issues and guidelines of the public policies currently in force for the subject. The main hypothesis developed herein is that school actions seem to praise diversity without touching the status of heteronormativity, which adversely affects its outreach.

The article examines hegemonic and subordinated forms of masculinity in contemporary Lithuania. Using the opinion survey "The Crisis of Male Roles in Lithuania" (2002) and a wide array of literature theorizing men and masculinities, it attempts to answer the following questions: how can we assess the influence of different masculinities to men themselves and gender policies in Lithuania? What kind of masculinity policy can support a feminist project of social transformation? The survey "The Crisis of Male Roles in Lithuania" allows us to conclude that both Lithuanian men and women largely support traditional norms of hegemonic masculinity. This masculinity is based on heterosexuality, economic autonomy, being able to provide for one's family, being rational, being successful, keeping one's emotions in check and not doing anything considered feminine. The dominant form of masculinity in Lithuania is constructed not only in relation to femininities but also in relation to subordinated and marginalized masculinities, particularly homosexual masculinities. Homosexuality is the repository of everything that is symbolically expelled from hegemonic masculinity. As the survey demonstrates, homophobia is much stronger among men than women in Lithuania. This can be explained by the fact that in order to be "real men" males have to separate themselves from both women and homosexual men. Furthermore, Lithuanian men's negative attitude towards homosexuality can also be related to their traditional attitudes toward gender roles and family. The view that gays transgress the gender system is rather widespread among them. The author argues that the dominance of a single model of masculinity at the expense of multiple masculinities makes men more vulnerable to acts of violence against themselves and their families. The article advocates self-awareness and critical reflection about gender identities among men and male groups that could help dismantle hegemonic masculinity and dispel the notion that there is only one way to be a 'real man'. Promoting models of masculinity along less sexist, homophobic and misogynist lines could benefit both women and men. ; Iki šiol Lietuvoje ne itin daug dėmesio skirta vyrų ir vyriškumo problemų analizei. Lietuvoje vyrai retai minimi lyčių politikos dokumentuose. Dar mažiau analizuotos marginalinės vyriškumo formos, tokios kaip homoseksualus vyriškumas. Tačiau kalbant apie moterų problematiką, būtina kreipti dėmesį ir į vyriškumą bei maskulinizmo politiką, nes rūpestis dėl lyties, seksualumo ir kūno yra svarbiausias konstruojant nacionalinius politinius, socialinius ir ekonominius režimus. šio straipsnio tikslas – apibūdinti ir norminį, ir subordinuotą vyriškumą Lietuvoje daugiausia dėmesio kreipiant į vyrų kūną ir seksualumą. Bus mėginama atsakyti, kokie vyriškumo modeliai dominuoja dabarties Lietuvoje ir kaip masinėje sąmonėje konstruojamas gėjų seksualumas. Kokias pasekmes skirtingos vyriškumo formos gali turėti patiems vyrams ir apskritai lyčių politikai Lietuvoje? Kokia maskulinizmo politika galėtų prisidėti prie feministinio socialinės transformacijos projekto? Straipsnyje analizuojama reprezentatyvi sociologinė apklausa apie vyrus, atlikta 2002 metais, apžvelgiami vyraujantys lietuvių žiniasklaidos diskursai seksualumo aspektu ir naudojamasi plačia postruktūralistinių lyčių bei seksualumo teorijų baze.

Contemporary hostility towards Muslims at the global level and the consolidation of Islam in the geopolitical context as an anachronic alterity to the West cannot be understood without addressing the dynamics of the LGBTQ globalization framework. Although this hostility has so far encompassed very diverse areas like the compatibility of Islam with democracy, the regulation of the visibility of Islam in the public space, and the institutionalization of Islam and its relation to immigration, currently there has been an intensification of a praxis of control over some Muslim subjects by contemporary nation-states. These practices have been accompanied by a certain rhetoric on antiterrorism, securitization, nationalism and patriotism, where the LGBTQ question has played a fundamental role. This phenomenon highlights the emergence of a specific form of Islamophobia—referred to as 'queered Islamophobia' in this article—related to what Puar (2007) coined as 'homonationalism' more than a decade ago to denounce an aspect of modernity marked by a convergence between diverse state practices, transnational LGBTQ politics and the emergence of new Islamophobic discourses nourished by the neoliberal instrumentalization of LGBTQ. The homonationalist logic is underpinned by a culturalist discourse that promotes a dichotomous view of the world, where the West —modern, secular and LGBTQ friendly— finds itself face to face with its alter ego —orientalized, anachronistic, Islamic fundamentalist and LGBTQ phobic. This confrontation becomes effective through the transnational production of two antagonistic subjects. National homosexual subjects can only exist outside the limits of religion embodying agency and resistance, and their national legitimacy is done at the expense of their depoliticization and their participation in the subalternization discrimination and criminalization of Muslim sexual-racial subjects. They, in turn, embody neo-Orientalist ideas that link Islam with a lack of agency, depravity and/or sexual repression and LGBTQ phobia, and seem to be invariably evaluated through the lens of LGBTQ Western neoliberal secularism. The theoretical construction of Muslim sexual-racial subjects and so-called Muslim homophobia is, at this time, central to debates on values and securitization in the West and is used to justify repressive antiterrorist measures within Western nation-states (Haritaworn, 2008). Hostility towards gender and sexual diversity connected to Islam and/or Muslims has been conceptualized in different ways. Authors like Abraham (2010) refer to it as hegemonic Muslim homophobia, while Massad (2008) categorizes it as Islamic resistance to Western imperialism. In either case, it seems clear that the assumption of religiosity, in the Geertzian (1966) sense, constitutes a determining element when defining what a Muslim is —or is not— and explains their attitudes towards LGBTQ (Rahman, 2014). The problem is particularly acute considering the urgent need to address LGBTQ phobia as a compendium of geographical, cultural, sociopolitical, economic and legislative factors that goes beyond the strictly religious question. Indeed, the current rejection towards LGBTQ based on traditionalist interpretations of Islam —'Islamicate LGBTQ phobia' in short— and the growing institutionalized repression against sexual and gender minorities in Islamicate nation-states are part of a problem with many elements that cannot be understood without addressing some issues. Firstly, the relationship between gender and sexual diversity in relation to the Islamic tradition is complex. The second question concerns the influence of colonialization and neocolonialization on the gradual transformation of the traditional forms of sex/gender diversity that developed in the historic lands of Islam, as well as on social perception and the legislation adopted regarding these forms in the aforementioned states. The emergence of sexual liberation movements in the United States and Europe in the 1970s entailed an ongoing process of homosexualization (Roscoe, 1997) through which contemporary globalized LGBTQ categories have spread around the world (Rao, 2015). When combined with the rise of Islamic fundamentalism and the emergence of Islamicate nation-states, this process has constituted a threat to the continuity of the traditional forms of sex/gender dissidence. This phenomenon would not have been possible without the construction of an invented tradition of Muslim homophobia that is being instrumentalized both in the West—through the disciplinary apparatus of nation-states—and in Muslim-majority countries—through certain forces linked to Islamic fundamentalism—with the common purpose of legitimizing control over the internal order of the societies of both frameworks (Rahman, 2015). The main objective of this article is to review the state of the art of Islam in LGBTQ globalization by looking at the specific historical forms in which knowledge linked to each of these two axes is constituted, as well as the social practices, forms of subjectivities and power relations inherent to such knowledge from the point of view of surveillance, control and banishment strategies. This exercise will be materialised through the analysis of the two hegemonic oppositional positions of Islam and gender and sexual diversity—one of Islamicate LGBTQ phobia and the other of queered Islamophobia—through which Muslims in general and LGBTQ Muslims in particular are subalternized, discriminated against and criminalized today both in the West and in Muslim-majority countries. To that end, the present article proposes a queer approach that aims to contributes to international studies—and the contemporary debates within them—in which LGBTQ issues in relation to Islamic tradition are largely missing. In this regard, while the connections between race, ethnicity, religion, religion, class, gender, sexuality, state and nation have been addressed by certain disciplines of the social sciences, there is still reluctance to take queer contributions into account and, even more so, to frame them within the umbrella of the recently named field of Queer International Relations (Weber, 2016). For the purpose of this work, and without wishing to provide here a specific definition of a queer approach, what is really at stake in any queer research is not so much a specific methodological proposal, but rather a substantial political commitment to place gender and sexuality at the forefront of social science analysis, challenging, in so doing, the hegemonic orders denounced in their research. The queer approach is understood here, therefore, in the sense of moral and political commitment and counter-hegemonic denunciation, rather than in terms of disloyalty to conventional academic methods to which certain queer theorists refer. The article is structured in four sections: introduction, theoretical-methodological approach, discussion and conclusions. The introductory section clarifies from a critical anthropological perspective the relevance of the reconceptualization of religion as a category of analysis when approaching the study of Islam. The section on theoretical and methodological approach reflects on the implications of putting queer studies and international relations in conversation. The first discussion heading, focusing on Islamicate LGBTQ phobia, reflects on the relationship between sexual and gender dissidences, Islamic tradition and Muslim identity, as well as on the influence of colonization and neo-colonization on the current state of these dissidence within Muslim-majority countries. The second discussion heading, dealing with queered Islamophobia, delves into the framework of homonationalism and the consolidation of LGBTQ as a requirement for access to citizenship and as a civilizational marker of Muslim otherness. Finally, I present some brief conclusions and outline some possible future lines of research. ; El objetivo de este artículo es la elaboración de un estado de la cuestión sobre el islam en el marco de la globalización LGBTQ atendiendo a las formas históricas específicas en que se constituye el conocimiento vinculado a cada uno de estos dos ejes, además de las prácticas sociales, las formas de subjetividad y las relaciones de poder inherentes a tales conocimientos desde el punto de vista de las estrategias de vigilancia, control y prohibición. Este trabajo se ha llevado a cabo a través del análisis de las dos posiciones hegemónicas de oposición entre islam y diversidad sexual y de género —una, de LGBTQfobia islamizada, la otra, de islamofobia queerizada— sobre la base de las cuales las personas musulmanas, incluyendo las LGBTQ, son subalternizadas, discriminadas y criminalizadas en la actualidad, tanto en Occidente como en los países de mayoría musulmana. Este trabajo propone un enfoque queer a través del cual poner en conversación las Relaciones Internacionales y los estudios transnacionales y/o globales queer en torno a las conexiones contemporáneas entre raza, religión, clase, género, sexualidad, estado y nación desde un compromiso de denuncia contrahegemónica. Con el fin de profundizar en todas estas cuestiones el artículo está estructurado en cuatro secciones: introducción, enfoque teórico-metodológico, dos epígrafes de desarrollo y conclusiones. El apartado introductorio clarifica, desde una perspectiva antropológica crítica, la pertinencia de la reconceptualización de la religión como categoría de análisis a la hora de abordar el estudio del islam. El primer epígrafe de desarrollo, centrado en la LGBTQfobia islamizada, analiza los múltiples elementos geográficos, culturales, sociopolíticos, económicos y legislativos que componen esta problemática. El segundo epígrafe de desarrollo, dedicado a la islamofobia queerizada, profundiza en el ensamblaje del homonacionalismo y constata la consolidación de lo LGBTQ en tanto que requisito de acceso a la ciudadanía y como marcador civilizacional de la alteridad musulmana. Finalmente, en el apartado de conclusiones, se presenta un resumen de los resultados del trabajo y se pincelan algunas posibles futuras líneas de investigación.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: Deviant Politics -- 1. "Flaunting the Transatlantic Breeze": Sexual Dissidents on the Left -- 2. "After Sex, What?": Politicizing Sex on the Left -- 3. "To Be One with the People": Homosexuality and the Cultural Front -- 4. "If I Can Die under You": Homosexuality and Labor on the Left -- 5. "Socialism & Sex Is What I Want": Women, Gender, and Sexual Dissidence in the 1930s and 1940s -- 6. "Playing the Queers": Homosexuality in Proletarian Literature -- 7. "We Who Are Not Ill": Queer Antifascism -- 8. "The Secret Element of Their Vice": Deviant Politics in the Cold War -- List of Abbreviations -- Notes -- Index

I went to Florida for a relative's Bat Mitzvah.  As I have remarked earlier here, these events make me feel uncomfy as I am not a believer.  Many of the prayers and songs are burned into my memory based on the years I had to go to the various services before I left home.  My father kept reminding me of the Jewish opportunities at college, which caused me to wonder whether he was either relentlessly optimistic or just in denial.  So, the only times I go to synagogues or temples are wedding and Bax Mitzvahs.  This time, something else helped make me feel a part of this community, reinforcing my identity as a Jew--the obstacles in the driveway that forced me to drive left/right/left/right and prevented me or anyone from entering the parking lot quickly.  Yes, this synagogue had an entrance similar to those at military bases... which speaks to the threats facing Jews in North America.  At the last BM in the fall, there was a metal detector and some heavy security at the door of the synagogue in NY.  It used to be the case that when I walked in a strange city, I knew I was near an American embassy when I noted an increase in security barriers.  These days, seeing such stuff tells me that I am near either an embassy or a synagogue.  The threat of violence is real. Anti-semitism, along with the other hates--misogyny, racism, Islamophobia, homophobia, and xenophobia--is on the rise.  At CPAC this week, the ethnic outbidding to appeal to the whitest, most "christian" folks produced much targeting of transgender people, but these folks and their pals didn't stop there.  Nick Fuentes, who got to hang with Trump not that long ago, apparently talked about all kinds of folks (or isms, which really are targeting people) that need to go.So, identity is about us and them.  And right now these folks out there are making me feel more Jewish because a basic part of that id is the threat, realized in pogroms long ago, in the Holocaust, and now in smaller scale violence, is increasing again.  So, I don't believe in all the religious stuff, but I do believe that there are folks out there that would love to put me and my relatives into showers and ovens.  So, I feel the us because the them is getting so toxic, so scary.This is not going to go away anytime soon especially when major political parties--Republicans in the US--worry more about alienating the Nazi wannabe's in their base than standing up for freedom.  The supposed party of freedom is very much becoming a party of tyranny.  While I loved seeing my extended family this weekend, I can't help but notice the dark side of identity and the threat we face.   the traditions/service remind me of who I am not the obstacle course into the synagogue reminds me of who I am

The article proposes an authors' assessment of the compliance of the Baltic States at the present stage with the EU requirements for member states. The task is to identify the differences between the policies of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania and the initiatives of the EU based on several indicators (gender equality, tolerance). The authors argue that despite the obvious progress over the past three decades in political modernization, the consolidation of democracy for the Baltic States is a challenge: there are successes in certain areas of democratization, but in many areas, there is stagnation and even regression. It is noted that despite several problems in relations with the EU, the Baltic States demonstrate balance and do not tend to aggressively focus on national priorities, as is typical for some Central and Eastern European countries. For each of the Baltic States, the authors point out reasons that increase the risks of deteriorating quality of democracy and slow down pro-European post-integration democratization. Common characteristics of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are growing support for populist, conservative, nationalist political actors; strengthening various ethnic stereotypes and social phobias (homophobia, migrantophobia, etc.); preserving the vestiges of the previous undemocratic political culture, which contradicts the EU's value paradigm. There are differences between the Baltic States, which affect the level of efficiency of post-integration democratization. It is emphasized that in all the Baltic States, the problems of the quality of democracy are directly related to the peculiarities of the political culture of population (the prevalence of the survival values over the values of self-expression). It is concluded that the Baltic States do not yet fully meet EU standards, both institutionally and (especially) at the value level. ; У статті запропонована авторська оцінка відповідності держав Балтії на сучасному етапі вимогам ЄС до держав-учасниць. Ставиться завданням за індикаторами гендерної рівності та толерантності виявити розбіжності політики Естонії, Латвії та Литви з ініціативами ЄС. Авторки аргументують, що попри очевидний поступ за останні три десятиліття в політичній модернізації, консолідація демократії для держав Балтії є викликом: на певних напрямках демократизації є успіхи, однак на багатьох – наявна стагнація та навіть регрес. Відзначено, що попри низку проблем у взаєминах з ЄС, держави Балтії демонструють виваженість і не схильні агресивно акцентувати на національних пріоритетах, як це характерно для окремих держав Центральної та Східної Європи. Щодо кожної з держав Балтії авторки вказали на причини, які посилюють ризики погіршення якості демократії та сповільнюють проєвропейську постінтеграційну демократизацію. Спільними характеристиками Естонії, Латвії та Литви виділено: зростання підтримки популістських, консервативних, націоналістичних політичних áкторів; посилення різноманітних етнічних стереотипів і соціальних фобій (гомофобії, мігрантофобії, ромофобії та ін.); збереження рудиментів попередньої недемократичної політичної культури, що суперечить ціннісній парадигмі ЄС. Відзначено відмінності між державами Балтії, які впливають на рівень ефективності постінтеграційної демократизації. Наголошено, що в усіх державах Балтії проблеми якості демократії напряму пов'язані з особливостями політичної культури населення (превалювання цінностей виживання над цінностями самовираження). Зроблено висновок: держави Балтії ще не відповідають повною мірою стандартам ЄС як інституційному, так і (особливо) на ціннісному рівні.

The article is devoted to the study of scenarios of gender behavior in situations of violence, gender patterns of friendship / maintenance of horizontal relations after marriage by representatives of men and women, tolerance / intolerance towards minority gender representatives, gender maturity / separation and heterophobia in marriage and gender legitimization of male friendship and women. This topic is relevant in the context of the study of gender hierarchies and latent discriminatory practices regarding men in matriarchal gender culture. The subject matter of the article is actualized, first and foremost, in connection with the social consequences of applying double standards of evaluation and violations of gender justice and equality arising from gender racism. The attitude of men and women in Ukraine to the gender standards of friendship with representatives of the sexes, as well as the attitude towards minority gender representatives, can be generalized using the concept of gender xenophobia. This concept allows you to analyze the empirical research of women's ambitions regarding male friendship (as well as the slight discovery of the relevant crimes and expectations of men about women's friendship) in the context of understanding gender identity. The functional link between gender xenophobia and gender identity is considered in the visual analysis and sociology of visual symbolism, taking into account the following key ideas: a) xenophobia sets the bias of women's gender consciousness on the basis of the opposition «we-them», «theirs-aliens», using distrust, fear , hatred of «strangers» as the basis of group communication, integration and consolidation of actions for the implementation of group gender repression against men; b) the essential characteristics of matriarchal gender xenophobia are binary oppositions in the design of gender relations (high / low, significant / insignificant, etc.) and the structural evaluation of feminized men as «their», and masculinized men and representatives of minority gender groups - as «strangers»; c) the negative attitude of masculinized men and representatives of minority gender groups to «strangers» is significantly higher (by comparison with the male part of the sample) from the part of the female respondents; The basis of gender xenophobia, both for men and women, can be the affections of fear, anger, disgust, contempt, and envy; d) hostility towards masculinized men and representatives of minority gender groups as «alien» can be manifested in various hidden-aggressive actions towards identified «alien» not only in situations of real deviant behavior, but also in its absence; e) Generation of negative social feelings of women towards men can be caused by any situation of male friendship, which is automatically stigmatized as latent-homosexual and requiring control, mediation and regulation by women; e) the corresponding stereotypes of deviance of male friendship in the Ukrainian gender culture can be applied in the process of gender socialization by inducing homophobia to men who, on the basis of the suggestion of fear, disgust, shame, turn into the actual identification of male friendly relations as deviant (or questionable, normal), and women's friendly relations - both natural and legitimized in gender morals; g) hostility towards manhood as an identified «alien» is constructed with the help of social morality, gender mythology, religion and part of scientific or quasi-scientific ideas.