Suchergebnisse

This comparative research project looks at the co-operation between state and social organizations (SOs) in China and Germany. It focusses on social service delivery in the area of integration of migrating populations with special attention to the fields of education, employment, vulnerable groups and social assistance (incl. legal aid) as a crosscutting issue to all of the fields. Within this subject area, the project wants to identify different models of state-SO co-operation and analyze which models are successful and why and where this co-operation is problematic. It aims to capture the different models of co-operation in Germany and China, to analyze and compare the underlying structures and to show potentialities for development.

1) Introduction to letter and transcript 2) Letter Part 1 3) Anthony Hope Hawkins Letter Part 2 4) Anthony Hope Hawkins Letter Transcript Part 1 5) Anthony Hope Hawkins Letter Transcript Part 2 6) Anthony Hope Hawkins Letter Transcript Part 3

Notice de Vincent Dubois dans "Dictionnaire des politiques culturelles de la France depuis 1959".

The article distinguishes three categories of hope: private, collective, and public. Public hope is hope that is invoked by political actors in relation to a societal goal of some kind. The article argues that public hope is the most dangerous kind of hope. The argument is developed using the recent history of trade negotiations between the United States and developing countries concerning intellectual property rights as they relate to life-saving medicines for AIDS. Public hope may allow political actors to harness emotionally collectivities to economic and social agendas that are poorly understood by those collectivities and that are ultimately destructive of the social institutions upon which actual private and collective hopes depend. Or public hope maybe secret hope that drives policies that escape public notice until it is too late. The final section of the article identifies four principles that help to make public hope a contingent force for the good.

The article distinguishes three categories of hope: private, collective, and public. Public hope is hope that is invoked by political actors in relation to a societal goal of some kind. The article argues that public hope is the most dangerous kind of hope. The argument is developed using the recent history of trade negotiations between the United States and developing countries concerning intellectual property rights as they relate to life-saving medicines for AIDS. Public hope may allow political actors to harness emotionally collectivities to economic and social agendas that are poorly understood by those collectivities and that are ultimately destructive of the social institutions upon which actual private and collective hopes depend. Or public hope maybe secret hope that drives policies that escape public notice until it is too late. The final section of the article identifies four principles that help to make public hope a contingent force for the good.

I investigate the creation, development, contributions and limits of Project Hope, a huge government-endorsed education project seeking non-governmental contributions to overcome educational inadequacy in poverty-stricken rural communities in transitional China. By reexamining the composition of sponsored students, the locations of Hope Primary Schools and non-educational orientations for building and expanding schools, I argue that Project Hope and its Hope School system have not contributed to educational access, equality, equity, efficiency and quality as it should have. Poverty-reduction-oriented curriculum requirements in Hope Primary Schools are theoretically misleading and realistically problematic.

Most journals and newspapers today often make reference to an ecological crisis. Human negligence, too much waste or better far too much production for what humans need, have proved that we have disrespected our universe beyond control and somehow we have to pay the consequences for it now. Looking for our conversion to improve this 'relationship' with the habitat could give hope and life to something that is dying and suffering. An Ecology Of Hope could be useful today to overcome the present state of ecological awareness that often encounters an ultimate sense of meaninglessness. A lack of vision can give rise to a mood of cosmic loneliness especially when it is embedded in an inability to see beyond the horizons of the present. An ecological awareness with a more hopeful vision does not allow the past and the present to determine the future, but wants to present a final escape that could be beneficial to humanity and to the cosmos. To be able to come out of a spiral of hopelessness, an act if imagination is needed; to foresee possible futures amidst all despair and thus a complete change of mentality towards creation by individuals, politicians, businessmen and agricultural industry is needed. ; N/A

It was 1994 when aristocrat Runa Khan and her soon-to-be husband Yves Marre sailed a decommissioned oil barge from the waters off France to her home country of Bangladesh. They had intended to propose to charitable organisations of a revolutionary plan they had: to turn the shipping vessel into a mobile medical station. The ship would bring medical help to the unreachable islands, or chars, that make up much of Bangladesh. It was a brilliant plan, and would have solved the problem of reaching isolated char communities, most of whom had been neglected by the government and NGOs (non-governmental organisations) due to their remote locations. She speaks more of her efforts in this paper.

This article excavates the ethos surrounding hip hop, starting from the proposition that hip hop represents a distinct yet pervasive expression of contemporary black subjectivity, which crystalized in 1970s New York City and has since proliferated into a potent ethos of the subaltern embraced within socially marginalized youth communities throughout the world. The article begins by outlining the black diasporic traditions of expressive performance that hip hop issues from, as discussed through the work of Zora Neale Hurston and Amiri Baraka. In the remainder of the article, a blueprint of hip hop&rsquo ; s ethos is presented based on five fundamental tenets: (1) properties of flow, layering, and rupture ; (2) a principle of productive consumption ; (3) the production of excessive publicity or promotion&mdash ; what hip-hop affiliates refer to as &ldquo ; hype&rdquo ; (4) embracing individual and communal entrepreneurship ; and (5) a committed politics of action and loyalty. While acknowledging hip hop&rsquo ; s malleability and refusal to be neatly characterized, the article maintains that its characteristic spirit embodies these core doctrines.

It is widely thought that electoral strategies fall into one of two camps. Either they play to fear of the alternative or they are based on the hope of a better tomorrow. This is simplistic but is nevertheless a useful frame of reference.In the US, perhaps the best example of the politics of hope was Ronald Reagan, whose sunny demeanour and promise of 'morning in America' won the votes of millions. Bill Clinton similarly swept to power in 1992 to the soundtrack of Fleetwood Mac's "Don't stop thinking about tomorrow".

The language of hope is a ubiquitous part of political life, but its value is increasingly contested. While there is an emerging debate about hope in political philosophy, an assessment of the prevalent scepticism about its role in political practice is still outstanding. The aim of this article is to provide an overview of historical and recent treatments of hope in political philosophy and to indicate lines of further research. We argue that even though political philosophy can draw on recent analyses of hope in analytic philosophy, there are distinct challenges for an account of hope in political contexts. Examples such as racial injustice or climate change show the need for a systematic normative account that is sensitive to the unavoidability of hope in politics as much as its characteristic dangers.

Global Hip Hop Studies (GHHS) is a peer-reviewed, rigorous and community-responsive academic journal that publishes research on contemporary as well as historical issues and debates surround- ing hip hop music and culture around the world, twice annually. The journal provides a platform for the investigation and critical analysis of hip hop politics, activism, education, media practices and industry analyses as well as manifestations of hip hop culture in all four of the classic elements (DJing/turntablism, MCing/rapping, graffiti/street art and b-boying/b-girling/breaking and other hip hop dances), the under-examined realms of beatboxing, fashion, identity formation, hip hop nation language (HHNL) and beyond. Centred around the truly global collection of established scholars on its advisory board, GHHS privileges the insights of people of colour and supports and encourages those of all marginalized, subordinated and disenfran- chised global citizens who are engaged in manifesting progressive political and social change and expanded intellectual vistas.

The current rising trend towards populism occurring around the world has been arguably epitomized by the 2016 election of television celebrity Donald Trump to the presidency of the United States. President Trump's recent withdrawal of the United States from the Paris climate accord in order to bolster big business suggests a politic that favors the free market over both human and non-human life itself. His campaign to "make America great again" garnered the support of white supremacists, ringing of nationalism tinged with racist ideology. The fact that vast numbers of white Christians continue to support Trump's extreme policies and racist rhetoric calls for a robust political theology that addresses the conflation of Christian doctrine with capitalist, nationalist ideology. German political theologian Dorothee Sölle (1929-2003), with her warning against what she terms as "Christofascism," or Christianity's tendency to perpetuate extreme capitalism, provides an apt analysis useful for contending with the current American political climate which also may be useful for addressing the rise in populism globally. Sölle's task for political theology to become practical by way of her concept of "Phantasie" provides Christians with a concrete and constructive way forward. This article hopes to portray Sölle's criticism and task as a crucial framework for understanding and responding to the political issues we face as Christians, especially in the United States context today.

Hope is an attitude with a distinctive epistemological dimension: it is incompatible with knowledge. This chapter examines hope as it relates to knowledge but also to probability and inductive considerations. Such epistemic constraints can make hope either impossible, or, when hope remains possible, they affect how one's epistemic situation can make hope rational rather than irrational. Such issues are especially relevant to when hopefulness may permissibly figure in practical deliberation over a course of action. So I consider cases of second-order inductive reflection on when one should, or should not, hope for an outcome with which one has a long record of experience: in other words, what is the epistemology behind when one should, if ever, stop hoping for outcomes which have failed one many times in the past?

Haiti, one of the world's five poorest nations, gets international attention because of the number of refugees who leave by boat in search of a better future. The 80,000 inhabitants of Ile de la Gonave are neglected, even in Haiti--there is no government medical post, and facilities in the health posts run by missions are minimal. Typhoid and cholera epidemics threaten the island. Médecins Sans Frontières plans to send staff and supplies and train local health workers.