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The caste system is arguably the most distinctive feature in Indian society. The Indian population is divided into four hierarchical classes or Varnas with large sub population of untouchables excluded entirely from the system. Recent genetic evidence indicates that this rule has been followed for over 2000 years. Spatial segregation on caste lines with in the village results in a high degree of local social connectedness with caste clusters in distant villages and select urban locations linked to each other through marriage over many generations. Under the effect of certain intense variables caste system is experiencing extraordinary changes in modern India. The rapid improvement of transportation and correspondence are additionally in charge of the breaking down of Caste system to some degree. The nullification of different social issues which are made by Caste System in Indian culture is the principal point of the social change development. Indian caste system is profoundly influenced by the political development. The rigid barriers of caste not only practice the most pungent form of exclusion but also regulate economic and social life. The caste systems fundamental characteristics of fixed civil cultural and economic rights for each caste with restrictions for change imply forced exclusion of ones caste to from undertaking the occupation of other castes.

Political selection in China has received increasing scholarly attention. Conventional measures of political promotion may suffer measurement error because of an (implicit) assumption that the chance of cadre promotion is constant across government and party units after controlling for their hierarchical rank. In this article, the validity of this assumption is tested. Based on the analysis of the biographical data of thousands of provincial bureau leaders, a strong agency effect is identified; leaders coming from politically important bureaus - defined by their connections to the Central Committee of the ruling party - stand a significantly higher chance of promotion than those coming from the less important ones. Incorporating the agency effect, the authors develop a continuous measure of political turnover. Using this refined measure, the authors revisit the effect of economic performance on provincial cadre promotion. While a positive relationship is found, the effect is arguably too small to be substantively significant. (J Contemp China/GIGA)

Typically, to be incarcerated is to be fixed: limited within specific parameters or boundaries with liberty and agency greatly reduced. Yet, recent literature has attended to the movement (or mobilities) that shape, or are shaped by modes of incarceration. Rather than simply assuming that experiences are inherently ones of immobility, such literature unhinges carceral studies from its framing within a sedentary ontology. However, the potential of mobility studies for unpacking the movements enfolded in carceral space and imprisoned life has yet to be fully exploited. When attending to mobilities, criminologists have investigated the politics of movement through a traditional horizontal frame of motion (between prison spaces, between court and prison, etc.). This paper contends that studies of mobility in criminology could be productively rethought. Drawing on movements of convicts from Britain to Australia aboard prison ships, this paper argues that straightforward, horizontal mobilities at work in regimes of control and practices of resistance marry together with vertical mobilities. Paying attention to the complex mobilities involved in carceral experience leads to a more nuanced understanding of regimes of discipline and practices of resistance that shape how incarcerated individuals move (or are unable to move) within carceral spaces, past and present.