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Contribution to the Symposium "Everyday Europe: Social transnationalism in a unsettled continent'

The article demonstrates how Library of Congress Subject Headings (LCSH) geographic headings for the Southern Levant mirror the political investment of Congress and the American public in Middle East politics over the last thirty years. The headings' evolution as well as Library of Congress rules governing their creation is charted in detail. These LCSH headings contrast markedly with those established in other national libraries (BnF, DNB) and independent value vocabularies (TGN, GeoNames), and global opinion regarding the legal status of the occupied territories. I sketch the historical context of their formation and offer suggestions as to how libraries can "decolonize" their metadata in service of Sanford Berman's "access and equity."

Peer reviewed ; This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Edinburgh University Press in Scottish Affairs. The Version of Record is available online at: https://www.euppublishing.com/doi/abs/10.3366/scot.2006.0002. In the subsequent sections, the notion of 'dual identity' is reviewed in relation to decentralization in Britain and Spain regarding the Scottish and Catalan cases. A brief account of the use of the so-called 'Moreno question' in Scotland twenty years ago serves the purpose of putting into perspective the merits and limitations of this methodological tool. A second part of this article deals with the process of Europeanization and how the 'Moreno question' may be relevant to improve our knowledge about multiple identities within the European Union. References to sub-sate cosmopolitan localism and the supra-state Europe's social model are aimed at discussing new lines of research. These would focus on identity formation and the conciliation of citizens' attachments to the various institutional layers of governance in Europe.

International audience In this contemporary one-man theatre play, Marie Jones's character, Kenneth McCallister, is prompted to break free from the prejudices in and against Northern Ireland. Indeed, the playwright aims at finding new ways to deconstruct the preconceived idea that there are two different identities in Northern Ireland closely linked to the division between two religious communities. Instead, she seeks connections, even with the Irish who migrated (the diasporic dimension, though, is not to be discussed within this paper). The author explores this possibility through the psychological evolution of a Northern Irish Protestant who comes to lack references in terms of identity. On stage, he recalls the events that launched him on a quest to redefine his identity, an identity in which his religious denomination is taken into account but is not the only community marker. Marie Jones eventually offers an insight into what being and feeling Irish means for someone who has always lived as a Protestant in Northern Ireland. Monologue and the notion of "frontiers" (be they social, political, geographical, historical or theatrical) that emerge only to be destroyed, are some of the theatrical devices she resorts to in order to voice her aim in this experimental play which ultimately proposes to reshape the contours of Northern Irish drama about the Troubles.

A reflection on the Macedonian-Greek controversy around the so-called 'name dispute'. This research, tracing the origins and delinaments of litigation, sheds light on how toponymy can be transformed into an identity emblem when it is mobilised by political actors for whom the affirmation of belonging requires symbolic marking of spaces. The reconstruction of the dispute also suggests the complexity of the creation of Macedonian identity, which, beyond relations with Greece, also questions the factory of Macedonian society and inter-community relations within it. ; Une réflexion sur la controverse macédono-grecque autour de ce qu'il est convenu d'appeler la 'querelle du nom'. Cette recherche, retraçant la genèse et les délinéaments du contentieux, éclaire la manière dont la toponymie peut se muer en emblème identitaire lorsqu'elle est mobilisée par des acteurs politiques pour qui l'affirmation de l'appartenance passe par un marquage symbolique des espaces. La reconstitution de la dispute suggère en outre la complexité d'une élaboration identitaire macédonienne qui, par-delà les relations avec la Grèce, interroge également la fabrique de la société macédonienne et les relations intercommunautaires en son sein.

International audience One of the most familiar narratives of ancient Southeast Asian history is the account of how Cambodian king Jayavarman II liberated his country from Javā, and consequently declared himself emperor in the year 802 CE. These events and this year are widely considered to represent thebeginning of the Angkorian " empire". Recent years have seen several new scholarly contributions questioning parts of this narrative. One issue is the very historicity of the narrative elements about Jayavarman II, another topic of debate is the identity of Javā in the narratives related toJayavarman II, and, more generally, in the history of Southeast Asia. After revealing the very weak foundations of certain recent attempts to argue that references to Javā in sources of the Southeast Asian mainland denoted a place on the continent or the Malay peninsula, this paper argues thatthe Khmer inscriptions refer to the island of Java when they use the term Javā. The paper shows, furthermore, that narratives involving Javā do not exclusively concern Jayavarman II, but that a certain Satyavarman is in some sources attributed a role very similar to that of the much more famous king Jayavarman II. It is proposed that this Satyavarman may well have been the king of that name who ruled in southern Campā around 800 CE, and hence that the epigraphical record of Satyavarman in Campā is likely to hold important clues not only for the history of Campā itself, but equally for international political relations between the Khmer, Cam and Javanese polities in the late 8th and early 9th century of our era. ; L'un des récits les plus connus de l'histoire ancienne de l'Asie du Sud-Est est celui racontant comment le roi Jayavarman II libére son pays de Javā et, par voie de conséquence, se proclame lui-même empereur en 802 EC. Ces événements et cette année sont généralement considérés comme représentant le début de «l'empire angkorien » . Des contributions savantes parues ces dernières années ont remis en cause des éléments de ce récit. ...

This study includes a reflection on the offence of genetic manipulation referred to in Article 159 of the Criminal Code, a provision the specific regulation of which raises numerous objections, particularly with regard to the legal interest of a collective nature which it protects, such as genetic identity, and questions whether such conduct in particular would be better suited to administrative legislation. This paper makes a reflection on the crime of genetic manipulation envisaged in Article 159 of the Criminal Code, a provision which is specific regulations relating to many objections, specifically in attendance to the collective legal right that protects, such as genetic identity, Questioning itself if this particular behavior would be find better accommodation in administrative legislation. ; En el presente estudio se efectúa una reflexión sobre el delito de manipulación genética contemplado en el artículo 159 del Código penal, precepto cuya concreta regulación despierta numerosas objeciones, especialmente en atención al bien jurídico de carácter colectivo que protege, como es la identidad genética, cuestionándose si esta conducta en particular encontraría mejor acomodo en la legislación administrativa. This paper makes a reflection on the crime of genetic manipulation contemplated in Article 159 of the Criminal Code, a provision whose specific regulation raises many objections, especially in attention to the collective legal right that protects, such as genetic identity, questioning itself if this particular behavior would find better accommodation in administrative legislation.

Historical knowledge is commonly believed to be a logical project that builds upon itself by successive generation. Problematically, this theory of history serves as a foundational feature of twenty-first-century historical methodology. The impact of modern historiography of the early medieval past on the formation of European myths of identity, nationalist ideologies and other extreme social and political concepts has been fairly established by scholars such as Patrick Geary, Jocelyn Hillgarth and Ian Wood. In this paper, the author argues that scholars need to reach back to the 'new history' of the sixteenth-century French Renaissance to find the figure-ground upon which modern scholars would construct their prism for seeing the Early Middle Ages. The author does this by following the history of one text, the Liber Iudiciorum (Visigothic Code), the grand legal-historical narrative of seventh-century Iberia, from its publication in Paris, in 1579, by Pierre Pithou. This interrogation will start to reveal the early modern origins of modern historical representations and the impact of those origins on twenty-first-century historiographies and historical method. ; Para acceder al Dossier utilice el link: http://revistascientificas.filo.uba.ar/index.php/AcHAM/article/view/2328 ; En general, se piensa que el conocimiento histórico es un proyecto lógico que se construye por producción sucesiva. De forma problemática, esta teoría de la historia sirve como una característica fundamental de la metodología histórica de principios del siglo XXI. El impacto de la historiografía moderna del temprano pasado medieval en la formación de mitos europeos de identidad, ideologías nacionalistas, y otros conceptos políticos y sociales extremos, ha sido establecido con precisión por eruditos como Patrick Geary, Jocelyn Hillgarth y Ian Wood. En este trabajo, el autor argumenta que los eruditos deben remontarse a la "nueva historia" del Renacimiento francés del siglo XVI para encontrar la figura-fondo a partir de la cual los estudiosos ...

The aim of this article is to question the mobility of bio-based poultry farmers, while organic farming is based on the model of autonomy. Why are organic farmers integrated and why do they accept their social disqualification? We argue that integration is primarily a way for them to cope with their economic and technical vulnerability. On the other hand, it makes it possible to pursue or initiate professional activities, which constitute compensatory identity resources for these farmers, a gift of integration and their social disqualification. We propose to analyse this situation on the basis of comprehensive interviews with integrated poultry breeders. The article first describes integration, allowing farmers to set up in organic form with limited financial resources. It then looks at how integration responds to their technical vulnerability, providing them with assistance and professional forums for debate. Finally, it shows that this way of working as a breeder raises singular identity issues. ; The aim of this paper is to examine motives, which lead organic breeders tojoin subcontracting, while organic farming is based on autonomy model? Why do organicbreeders join subcontracting and why do they accept the social disqualification? We supportthe hypothesis that for them subcontracting is on the one hand a way to face theireconomic and technical vulnerability. On the other hand, it allows to pursue or to introduceprofessional activities, which constitute for breeders compensatory identical resources, face tosubcontracting driving and social disqualification. We suggest analyzing this situation fromcomprehensive interviews with subcontracting poultry breeders. The article first describeshow subcontracting allows breeders to settle down in organic breeding with limited financialresources. It then examines how subcontracting solves their technical vulnerability, bysupplying them an assistance and frames of professional debates. Finally, it shows that thisway of working as breeder enlights singular identity ...

With the study of the advertising narrative, one can only be struck by the very high degree of mutability of the interactional and thematic framework of its statements. This room for manoeuvre appears, moreover, to be one of the structural components of this kind of discursion when compared with, for example, political discourse, the form of which is limited and changes little. That singularity may be explained by the pragmatic component of any advertising statement which replaces the act of sale in praesentia and is intended to capture the public's attention, even if it were to arrogate the right in most cases to obscure its factitious purpose (buried the commercial act) and thus to escape the 'primary framework' of interaction in the words of Erwing Goffman. (1991) Moreover, this act of 'intrusive' rhetoric is disconnected from the media agenda that hosts it and from the tempo and the vagaries of the public space. Thus, far from being limited to the alternative of a pure commercial transaction, any advertisement is rather a "palabre" made by this "generalised third party" referred to by George Herbert Mead, who offers a deliberate testimony of how each company speaks (Mead, 2006). Each of its messages can then be understood as a space for beliefs about the identities, roles and social practices of a given community. This process is amplified by the pressure exerted by the presence of discursive competition which requires singularisation strategies and thus the use of constant differentiation effects. That process of crystallisation reveals the curious paradox that the invention of the consumer and his universe is in fact the main purpose of the advertising speech and that the avatars of the latter's identity should be made at the same time and perhaps before the goods themselves. ; International audience ; With the study of the advertising narrative, one can only be struck by the very high degree of mutability of the interactional and thematic framework of its statements. This room for manoeuvre appears, ...

Summary This article examines the populist activation of the electorate in the 2018 presidential election in Mexico, which requires a number of conditions. On the one hand, voters should feel grievances about the political, economic or social situation in the country. In addition, the capacity of ambitious politicians is needed to make these grievances between the electorate relevant and so voters respond to populist rhetoric to translate their voter into electoral mobilisation. However, unlike other studies, we argue that not all voters are equally mobilised in response to populist rhetoric, even if they have a similar level of populist attitudes. According to the literature on political behaviour, we argue that the partisan identity of voters is a filter of information that makes voters more likely to accept populist rhetoric if consistent with their political predispositions. Conversely, if populist rhetoric contradicts their partisan identity, voters will reject the rhetoric of the populist candidate despite the fact that those voters have a high level of populist attitudes. ; Resumen Este artículo estudia la activación populista del electorado en la elección presidencial de 2018 en México, la cual requiere una serie de condiciones. Por un lado, los votantes deben sentir un agravio sobre la situación política, económica o social en el país. Además, es necesaria la capacidad de políticos ambiciosos para hacer relevantes esos agravios entre el electorado y así los votantes respondan a la retórica populista para traducir su enojo en movilización electoral. Sin embargo, a diferencia de otros estudios, argumentamos que no todos los votantes son movilizados por igual como respuesta a la retórica populista, incluso si registran un nivel similar de actitudes populistas. De acuerdo con la literatura sobre comportamiento político, argumentamos que la identidad partidista de los votantes constituye un filtro de información que hace más probable que los electores acepten la retórica populista si es consistente con sus ...

In Argentina the university reform of 1918 represents the iterat from which the student body is configured as a political subject; Since then, the work of this sector has been continuous, except for a few lapses, and today it is part of the cultural heritage of national university life. In this research article, investigate the facts in which it has materialized, I review its evolution, and I analyze the plots that breathe it. For this purpose make with a qualitative methodology a journey that goes from its first glimpses to our days, observing its how and why, by using categories that allude to the structure, identity and, in particular, to the cultural component of the issue. Social phenomenon. The objective, with regard to the commemoration of that milestone, is to draw up a map of the trajectory of student protest in the southern country, and of the dynamics involved in its constitution, implementing unusual analytical enclaves in the local iteratura that addresses it. ; En la Argentina, la reforma universitaria de 1918 representa el momento a partir del cual el estudiantado se configura como sujeto politico. Desde entonces, el accionar de este sector ha sido continuo, salvo algunos lapsos, y hoy por hoy hace parte del acervo cultural de la vida universitaria nacional. En este articulo de investigacion se analizan los hechos en los que se ha materializado, revisando su devenir y analizando las tramas que lo insuflan. Para ello, se realiza, a traves de una metodologia cualitativa, un recorrido que avanza desde sus primeros atisbos hasta nuestros dias, observando su como y su porque mediante el uso de categorias que aluden a la estructura, a la identidad y, en particular, al componente cultural de la cuestion en tanto fenomeno social. El objetivo, a proposito de la conmemoracion de aquel hito, es elaborar un mapa de la trayectoria de la protesta estudiantil en el pais austral y de las dinamicas que intervienen en su constitucion para implementar enclaves analiticos poco usuales en la literatura local que la ...

Dionisio Ridruejo, una pasión española, theatre written in 1982 by Ignacio Amestoy, theatricates Dionisio Ridruejo's historical and political figure thanks to the dual identity of the Colonel Arenas character. This dramatic process makes the need for resistance to franquism in Colonel Arenas tragic. The Colonel Arenas recognises its double in Ridruejo between the recent upsurges of phalangist violence and critical overbreaks. The study of the mechanism of doubling makes it possible to highlight the importance of the route leading to resistance, a real tragic route and an ideological cross. The use of documentary theatre gives the hero speech a prominent place and allows the ideological route of Ridruejo to be condensed. Beyond the theatrication of the figure of Ridruejo, Amestoy represents the collective tragedy of the Civil War and Franquism, questioning the allocation of immutable ideological labels to characterise individual and collective life paths during this period. Dionisio Ridruejo, una pasión española was only represented in 2014, more than thirty years after her writing: the recent editing of the coin at the Dramatique National Centre (Madrid) could be interpreted as an artistic commitment of the author and the director in order to provide the starting point for a reflection on the recent history of Spain. ; International audience Dionisio Ridruejo, una pasión española, a play written in 1982 by Ignacio Amestoy, dramatizes the historic and political figure of Dionisio Ridruejo using the device of identity splitting on Colonel Arenas's character. This dramatic process enables the emergence of a need, in Colonel Arenas, for resistance to Francoism in a tragic way. Between the last revivals of Falange violence and fits of critiques, Colonel Arenas identifies Ridruejo as his double. The study of the splitting device highlights the significance of the way that leads to resistance, a truly tragic path and an ideological way of the cross. The use of documentary theatre gives the hero's speeches a leading ...

The Office national des Forêts (French National Forestry Board) is a key player in French forest policy. It has suffered a structural deficit over the last decade and underwent a major reorganisation in 2002. The principles of profitability and productivity were forcefully reasserted so as to be self-financing. This reform however generated some opposition and difficult labour relations. It has remodelled the collective identity of the national forestry corps whose members only partially endorse the commercial goals arising from the new guidelines. On the basis of two surveys — one quantitative and the other qualitative — the authors investigate the way in which this reform of the ONF institutions was perceived and experienced. ; L'Office national des Forêts est un acteur incontournable de la politique forestière française. Structurellement déficitaire au cours de la dernière décennie, il a subi une profonde réorganisation en 2002. Les principes de rentabilité et de productivité ont été réaffirmés avec force pour lui permettre d'assurer son autofinancement. Cette réforme a cependant généré des oppositions et un climat social difficile. Elle a entraîné une recomposition de l'identité collective du corps forestier, qui n'adhère que partiellement aux impératifs commerciaux imposés par les nouvelles orientations. À partir de deux enquêtes, l'une quantitative, l'autre qualitative, nous proposons d'étudier la manière dont a été perçue et vécue, sur le terrain, cette réforme de l'institution ONF.

Rooted in two qualitative research studies of stay-at-home fathers (70 Canadian and 21 Belgian) at the beginning of the twenty-first century, this article explores the innovative ways that families seek to create work-family balance in two countries where relevant social policies are still focused on the encouraging of private family-based solutions to balancing paid and unpaid work. At the level of work-family policy, we note that both Canada and Belgium remain relatively weak in the provision of childcare, especially for children under the age of three, as well as in flexible working options that would allow families to effectively balance work and home. In light of these limited options, some fathers who have a weaker employment position than their female partners, or who are reconsidering their current careers, may opt out of the labor market for months or years in order to provide a private solution to an issue which still has little policy support. Nevertheless, while fathers are at home, they only partially 'trade cash for care'; that is, they also remain connected to traditionally masculine sources of identity such as part-time paid work, unpaid masculine self-provisioning work, and community work that builds on traditional male interests. ; Ancré dans deux recherches qualitatives portant sur les pères au foyer (70 installés au Canada et 21 en Belgique) au début du 21ème siècle, cet article explore les stratégies innovantes adoptées par les pères pour équilibrer vie professionnelle et vie familiale dans deux pays o[ugrave] les politiques sociales sont encore largement centrés à cet égard sur l'encouragement de solutions privées. Certains pères ayant une position professionnelle moins avantageuse que leur partenaire, ou qui souhaitent revoir leur implication professionnelle se retirent du marché du travail pour quelques mois ou quelques années afin de fournir une solution privée à une question qui reste peu prise en compte par les pouvoirs publics. Au niveau familial, ces pères ne renoncent que ...