Governments and civil society are increasingly aware that the decarbonization of energy systems needs to be aligned with justice principles of recognition, distribution, and process. This paper establishes a conceptual linkage between "sustainable development", "low‐carbon energy transitions" and "energy justice" and examines social priorities to address peoples' competing priorities associated with low‐carbon energy interventions. By analyzing a renewable energy project in Vietnam as a case study, the paper shows that linking social priorities to energy justice provides a useful contribution for energy policy makers toward a better understanding of the multidimensional and complex aspects of low‐carbon energy transitions, and how different segments of society prioritize and perceive them for the achievement of socially just energy decisions.
Research Projects FFI2013-42521-P and HAR2013-42563P. Registered in the R & D project HAR2010-17580: Irurozqui and Galante, 2011. Galante, Irurozqui and Argeri, 2011. Irurozqui, 2011. The joint theme of justice and violence is also present in collective work, 2013. ; Peer reviewed ; Research Projects FFI2013-42521-P and HAR2013-42563P. Registered in the R & D project HAR2010-17580: Irurozqui and Galante, 2011. Galante, Irurozqui and Argeri, 2011. Irurozqui, 2011. The joint theme of justice and violence is also present in collective work, 2013. ; Proyectos de Investigación FFI2013-42521-P y HAR2013-42563P. Inscritas en el proyecto de investigación I+D HAR2010-17580: Irurozqui y Galante, 2011. Galante, Irurozqui y Argeri, 2011. Irurozqui, 2011. La temática conjunta justicia y violencia también está presente en trabajos colectivos como Contente, 2013.
International audience ; L´arbitrage international d´investissement, tel qu´il est pratiqué à l´heure actuelle, souffre d´un problème de légitimité. Le problème tient à ce qu´en voulant remédier aux défaillances politiques et judiciaires des pays d´investissement et protéger les intérêts des investisseurs, on a transposé sans autre une méthode de résolution des différends entre particuliers à des litiges mettant en cause des intérêts publics. L´arbitrage d´investissement sert certes une fonction nécessaire de règlement des litiges, mais il ne peut pas répondre à long terme aux préoccupations de justice globale vis-à-vis de nombreux pays en voie de développement. L´article propose diverses mesures afin d´assurer une pesée des intérêts plus équitable entre les investisseurs et les Etats-hôtes et de contribuer sur un plan national et international au renforcement des systèmes judiciaires et politiques dans les pays en voie de développement.
In this article, we put forward two arguments for greater attention from central banks to the distributional implications of monetary policies. Using the dual effect doctrine, we show that central bankers are responsible for the distributional effects of their unconventional monetary policies. Moreover, given that the traditional leverage of taxation is facing serious difficulties today, central bank support could be decisive in reducing economic inequalities. We then assess the theoretical and empirical arguments raised by central bankers against this proposal. We conclude that these objections do not undermine the attractiveness of central banks' responsibility for distribution. ; Dans cet article, nous présentons deux arguments en faveur d'une attention accrue des banques centrales à l'égard des implications distributives des politiques monétaires. En mobilisant la doctrine du double effet, nous montrons que la responsabilité des banquiers centraux quant aux effets distributifs de leurs politiques monétaires non conventionnelles est engagée. De plus, étant donné que le levier traditionnel de la fiscalité fait face à de sérieuses difficultés aujourd'hui, l'appui des banques centrales pourrait être décisif pour la réduction des inégalités économiques. Nous évaluons ensuite les arguments théoriques et empiriques soulevés par les banquiers centraux contre cette proposition. Nous concluons que ces objections ne minent pas l'attrait d'une responsabilité des banques centrales en matière de distribution.
Summary The practices of making home such as cooking, constructing and informally connecting to services are an essential part of women's daily lives in informal settlements in Viña del Mar, Chile. Women's practices and speeches around 'home', however, are a poorly researched topic that can provide valuable information to analyse gender relationships in socio-spatial production of the informal habitat. Through an ethnographic approach, using visual and participatory methods, the article presents empirical data produced in the two largest informal settlements in Chile. The results show that practices are not only survival strategies, but are intrinsically political. The article provides a three-dimensional analytical framework that classifies homelessness practices into home building, maintenance and planning practices. With a commitment to gender and urban justice, the article's analytical and methodological approach contributes to the recognition of women's efforts in the fight for housing in Chile. ; Resumen Las prácticas de hacer hogar tales como cocinar, construir y conectarse informalmente a los servicios son parte fundamental de la vida cotidiana de las mujeres en los asentamientos informales en Viña del Mar, Chile. Las prácticas y discursos de las mujeres en torno al 'hogar', sin embargo, son un tema poco investigado que puede proporcionar información valiosa para analizar las relaciones de género en la producción socioespacial del hábitat informal. A través de una aproximación etnográfica, con métodos visuales y participativos, el artículo presenta datos empíricos producidos en los dos asentamientos informales más grandes de Chile. Los resultados muestran como las prácticas no son solo estrategias de supervivencia, sino que son intrínsecamente políticas. El artículo aporta un marco analítico tridimensional que clasifica las prácticas de hacer el hogar en prácticas de construcción, mantención y planeación del hogar. Con un compromiso con la justicia de género y urbana, el enfoque analítico y metodológico ...
SUMMARY: I. The original case-law of the Court of Cassation/II. The novel case-law of the Constitutional Court/III. The change in the case-law of the Court of Justice of cassation/1. The prohibition on courts adjusting the temporal effects of the judgments of the Court of Justice constitutionnelle/2. The obligation for courts to fill the self-repairing legislative loopholes identified by the Constitutional Court ; SOMMAIRE : I. La jurisprudence initiale de la Cour de cassation / II. La jurisprudence novatrice de la Cour constitutionnelle / III. Le revirement de jurisprudence de la Cour de cassation / 1. L'interdiction pour les juridictions de moduler dans le temps les effets des arrêts de la Cour constitutionnelle / 2. L'obligation pour les juridictions de combler les lacunes législatives auto-réparatrices constatées par la Cour constitutionnelle
Spain is a negotiated transition model, where peaceful change was prioritised over transitional justice. But in 2000, memory policies were on the political agenda. This leads to the endorsement of the conflict building past. Why and how was this process done? This article suggests that it relates to the electoral interests, ideologies and the search for impunity of parties. On the one hand, these variables explain the different strategies, codes and arguments that incentivised putting the topic on the agenda. On the other hand, they are also related to the inability of reframing to create a new consensus on the origin of the regime. The transitional frame remains the meeting point in the past of the parties, given the characteristics of the electorate, the ideologies of the parties and the assumption of amnesty as a key to the origin of the regime. Meanwhile, the strength of the memory frame lies in its ability to place itself on the agenda and to generate cyclical conflicts. ; Peer reviewed ; Spain is a negotiated transition model, where peaceful change was prioritised over transitional justice. But in 2000, memory policies were on the political agenda. This leads to the endorsement of the conflict building past. Why and how was this process done? This article suggests that it relates to the electoral interests, ideologies and the search for impunity of parties. On the one hand, these variables explain the different strategies, codes and arguments that incentivised putting the topic on the agenda. On the other hand, they are also related to the inability of reframing to create a new consensus on the origin of the regime. The transitional frame remains the meeting point in the past of the parties, given the characteristics of the electorate, the ideologies of the parties and the assumption of amnesty as a key to the origin of the regime. Meanwhile, the strength of the memory frame lies in its ability to place itself on the agenda and to generate cyclical conflicts. ; España es un modelo de transición negociada, ...
How can philosophical theories of justice possibly translate into fullyfledged fiscal proposals? Reading Liam Murphy and Thomas Nagel's Myth of Ownership will definitely be of great use to political philosophers interested in answering this key question. The book is organized around two central (sets of) claims that repeatedly resurface across the chapters.
The article demonstrates how Library of Congress Subject Headings (LCSH) geographic headings for the Southern Levant mirror the political investment of Congress and the American public in Middle East politics over the last thirty years. The headings' evolution as well as Library of Congress rules governing their creation is charted in detail. These LCSH headings contrast markedly with those established in other national libraries (BnF, DNB) and independent value vocabularies (TGN, GeoNames), and global opinion regarding the legal status of the occupied territories. I sketch the historical context of their formation and offer suggestions as to how libraries can "decolonize" their metadata in service of Sanford Berman's "access and equity."
Summary: In labour matters in the south of Jalisco, the inhabitants of the 28 municipalities within the jurisdiction of the Seventh Special Conciliation and Arbitration Board have to move to Zapotlán el Grande in order to enforce their rights, resulting in economic complications due to transfer and an extension of time in a trial. We therefore describe the perceptions and consequences for workers as they become unemployed and claim their rights before the competent judicial authority, thus leading to greater obstacles to labour justice. In this investigation, workers were surveyed, which had the economic, family and time spent on trials. ; Resumen: En asuntos laborales en el sur de Jalisco, los habitantes de los 28 municipios que están dentro de la jurisdicción de la Séptima Junta Especial de Conciliación y Arbitraje tienen que trasladarse a Zapotlán el Grande para accionar su derecho, resultando en complicaciones económicas por traslado y la prolongación del tiempo en un juicio. Por lo que se describen las percepciones y consecuencias en los trabajadores al quedarse sin empleo y reclamar su derecho ante la autoridad jurisdiccional competente, teniendo así mayores obstáculos para la justicia laboral. En esta investigación, se realizaron encuestas a trabajadores, mismas que arrojaron las consecuencias económicas, familiares y del tiempo invertido en los juicios.
A reference to the issue of violence, the dichotomic classifications of territories between 'urban' and 'rural', on the one hand, and 'town' and 'village', on the other, are quite successful. While these are not entirely irrelevant, they still have a bearing on certain aspects. Thus, they obscure certain points common to certain territories which are prima facie considered to be different, as well as differences which may exist between those belonging to the same group. They then mask the fact that most urban areas experience relatively low levels of violence and, conversely, those in rural areas are sometimes high. They also play a part in forgetting the issue of taking charge of repression, which also varies according to the territories and their still unique properties. The criminalisation of violence is thus never a perfect reflection of what actually exists, and the various territories do not involve the same constraints for the police and the judiciary. ; A propos de la question des violences, les classifications dichotomiques des territoires opposant l'« urbain » et le « rural » d'une part, la « ville » et le « village » d'autre part, connaissent un succès certain. Si celles-ci ne sont pas totalement dépourvues de pertinence, elles pèchent cependant sur certains aspects. Ainsi, elles occultent certains points communs à certains territoires considérés a priori comme différents, ainsi que des différences qui peuvent exister entre ceux appartenant à un même groupe. Elles masquent alors le fait que la plupart des zones urbaines connaissent des niveaux de violence relativement faibles, et, qu'inversement, ceux des zones rurales sont parfois élevés. Elles participent également à l'oubli de la question de la prise en charge de la répression, également variable selon les territoires et leurs propriétés toujours singulières. La pénalisation des violences n'est ainsi jamais le reflet parfait de celles qui existent réellement, et les différents territoires n'impliquent pas les mêmes contraintes pour les services de ...
Discussing the relationship between the EU Network of Independent Expertson Fundamental Rights and the forthcoming Fundamental Rights Agency, the Working Document of 25 March 2004 on the proposal for a Council Regulation on the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (Recast version) prepared with the European Parliament's Committee on Citizens' Freedomsand Rights, Justice and Home Affairs (rapp. J. Swiebel) concluded: "Itisimpor tanttostr esstha t theanal ytical, evaluative and advisory functions of the Experts' Network continue to befulfilled in an independent way. This should not prevent close links between the Human Rights Agency and the Experts' Network being established." This paper is an up dated version of the presentations given by the authors at the ERA conference "European Fundamental Rights Agency", 12–13 June in Trier. The paper was finalised just before consensus was reached by the JHA Council at its Brussels meeting of 4 and 5 December 2006 that not with standing the "pending… examination of the Eur opean Parliament'sopinion" the Agency should beest a blished and functioning as from early 2007 on (Council press release 15801/06, 2768th Council meeting, p. 10).
Summary. This work analyses the main historical and legal background that made it possible to lay the foundations for the creation of the State Defence Council, as a decentralised and independent body which is currently responsible for defending the financial interests of the Public Prosecutor. The most important events that marked the origins of the Council were founded — mainly: in the economic crisis of the exit that began at the end of the 19th century, the constant confusion as to which body should be responsible for the judicial defence of the State, and also the disadvantage it faced in the face of the growing judicialisation of lawsuits against individuals, who employed politicians and influential lawyers from the time, in contrast to the precarious nature of the tax justice service. ; Resumen En el presente trabajo se analizan los principales antecedentes históricos y jurídicos que permitieron sentar las bases de la creación del Consejo de Defensa del Estado, como un organismo descentralizado e independiente que hoy tiene a su cargo la defensa en juicio de los intereses patrimoniales del Fisco. Los acontecimientos más relevantes que marcaron la génesis de dicho Consejo, se fundan -principalmente− en la crisis económica del salitre iniciada a finales del siglo XIX, la confusión permanente para determinar cuál era el órgano que debía asumir la defensa judicial del Estado, y también en la desventaja en que se encontró este último frente a la creciente judicialización de pleitos contra los particulares, quienes contrataban a políticos e influyentes abogados de la época en contraposición a la precariedad del servicio judicial fiscal.
This paper seeks to provide an overview of some of the main areas of debate that have emerged in recent years at the interface between theories of justice and health care. First, the paper considers various positions as to what the index of justice with respect to health ought to be. It warns on practical and principled grounds against conceptual inflation of the notion of "health" as it appears in theories of distributive justice. Second, it considers how various standards according to which goods ought to be distributed in a just society apply to debates within health care. ; Le présent article vise à fournir un aperçu de certains des principaux débats qui ont émergé ces dernières années entre les théories de la justice et la réflexion sur les soins de santé. L'article examine tout d'abord des arguments qui prennent position sur la définition de la justice dans des contextes de santé. Une mise en garde se fondant sur des motifs pratiques et théoriques est ensuite émise à l'encontre d'une inflation conceptuelle de la notion de « santé » telle que celle-ci apparaît dans les théories de la justice distributive. L'article examine en second lieu comment divers standards relatifs à la redistribution juste des biens s'arriment aux débats en soins de santé.
media and justice do not work well. This is obviously not new. For several years, and almost repeatedly, justice has complained about the attitude of the media, particularly in judicial cases. In the search for scoop and sensationalism, some of the press sometimes seems ready for everything to disseminate 'information' (this qualification is sometimes very relative). And when a potential scandal concerns a politician or a public figure, media appetite seems even more important, leading to real media lynching condemning an individual without qualification. However, there should be an important safeguard: the presumption of innocence. Edouard Cruysmans, assistant at the Catholic University of Louvain, assistant at the University of Saint-Louis Brussels, PhD and specialist in these issues, shed light on the issues at stake in this debate. ; Médias et justice ne font pas bon ménage. Ce constat n'est évidemment pas nouveau. Depuis plusieurs années, et de façon quasiment récurrente, la justice se plaint de l'attitude des médias, notamment dans le cadre d'affaires judiciaires. A la recherche du scoop et de sensationnalisme, une partie de la presse semble parfois prête à tout pour diffuser une « information » (cette qualification étant parfois toute relative). Et lorsqu'un potentiel scandale concerne un homme politique ou une personnalité publique, l'appétit des médias semble encore plus important, pouvant aboutir à un réel lynchage médiatique condamnant sans nuance un individu. Pourtant, il devrait exister un garde-fou important : la présomption d'innocence. Édouard Cruysmans, assistant à l'Université catholique de Louvain, assistant à l'Université Saint-Louis Bruxelles, doctorant et spécialiste de ces questions, éclaire les enjeux de ce débat.
