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The article demonstrates how Library of Congress Subject Headings (LCSH) geographic headings for the Southern Levant mirror the political investment of Congress and the American public in Middle East politics over the last thirty years. The headings' evolution as well as Library of Congress rules governing their creation is charted in detail. These LCSH headings contrast markedly with those established in other national libraries (BnF, DNB) and independent value vocabularies (TGN, GeoNames), and global opinion regarding the legal status of the occupied territories. I sketch the historical context of their formation and offer suggestions as to how libraries can "decolonize" their metadata in service of Sanford Berman's "access and equity."

International audience From Vargas to Collor: faces of Brazilian populism, Camille Goirand. Brazil is obvioulsy a land of favor for populism. But the term there is used for many regional and national experiences. And today it's losing its force. Is it the sign of the disappearance of an exhausted political form or the announcement of its metamorphosis? Citer ce document / Cite this document : Goirand Camille. De Vargas à Collor, visages du populisme brésilien. In: Vingtième Siècle, revue d'histoire, n°56, octobre-décembre 1997.

International audience With the modernisation of agriculture, trees were gradually taken out of development policies. In this respect, the way trees are handled in various regulations is enlightening. Through the testimony of three tree planter farmers recorded for the purposes of a recent documentary, it is soon apparent that, at 5, 15 or 30 years interval, they came up against similar reluctance and similar problems in obtaining support and recognition of their agroforestry projects as being eligible. These farmers are asked to produce more efficiently, and sometimes to maintain natural elements, at the risk that they may be penalised — which seems contradictory — particularly in view of the constraints and sometimes disadvantages that trees may impose on overall farm management. For trees to be part of "sustainable development" requires some upfront clarification of regulations and legal provisions. In this respect a number of promising developments have occurred. Additionally, projects must be designed from a more positive, or even participative, angle between players in the rural environment so as to break down the isolation of farmers when contemplating land management decisions. ; Avec la modernisation de l'agriculture, l'arbre a été peu à peu écarté des politiques de développement. Et sa prise en considération dans les différentes réglementations est révélatrice. Au travers de trois témoignages d'agriculteurs planteurs d'arbres recueillis pour les besoins d'un documentaire récent, on s'aperçoit rapidement qu'ils ont connu, à 5, 15 ou 30 années d'intervalle, les mêmes réticences, les mêmes problèmes dans l'accompagnement et l'éligibilité de leurs projets agroforestiers. On demande aux mêmes agriculteurs de produire mieux, voire de maintenir les éléments naturels, au risque d'être pénalisés, ce qui semble paradoxal, surtout quand on voit les contraintes voire les pénalités que les arbres représentent pour la gestion de l'exploitation. Imaginer l'arbre au service du "développement durable" demande donc des ...

A series of maps with the Indian Kayapó was intended to show the encircling of the Indigene Earth by pastures and to spatialise naturalist knowledge on one of the village areas. By perceiving the power of these documents, the Kayapó redirected their request towards the drawing up of maps representing the entire indigenous territory. These give rise to the landmark and social unity they wish to assert, and the map becomes an instrument used, in particular, in negotiations with non-Indians. ; Um jogo de mapas feitos juntos com os índios Kayapó pretendia mostrar a Terra Indígena cercada pelas pastagens e espacializar saberes naturalistas de uma das aldeias. Percebendo o poder desses docu- mentos, os Kayapó mudarão a sua demanda para elaborar mapas « geopolíticas » que representem a totalidade do território indí- gena. Elas fazem emergir a unidade territo- rial e social que desejam defender frente aos brancos : o mapa torna-se uma ferramenta importante nas negociações territoriais e na resolução de conflitos com os não-indios. ; A series of maps with the Indian Kayapó was intended to show the encircling of the Indigene Earth by pastures and to spatialise naturalist knowledge on one of the village areas. By perceiving the power of these documents, the Kayapó redirected their request towards the drawing up of maps representing the entire indigenous territory. These give rise to the landmark and social unity they wish to assert, and the map becomes an instrument used, in particular, in negotiations with non-Indians. ; International audience A series of maps was made with the Kayapo Indians with a view to showing how the indigenous land was sur- rounded by grazing land and to spatialise naturalist knowledge about the land around one village. When the Kayapo realised the power of these documents, they expressed their interest instead in the construction of maps representing the whole indigenous ter- ritory. These maps highlight the territorial and social unity that the Kayapo wish to emphasise and are thus a ...

In the late 80s in England, as part of the Thatcher Government's urban regeneration policy, twelve private development companies were set up with the aim of launching a process of economic, social and environmental revival in some declining sectors. For example, the Black Country Development Corporation (BCDC), a development company in Pays Noir, is set up with a view to organising the urban regeneration of an area suffering from the crisis as a result of its history of purely industrial activity. This area, with an area of 26 km², covers 3 local authorities and is made up of large areas of land which have been abandoned and very heavily polluted as a result of mining wealth and manufacturing, which had contributed to the development of the region until the mid-1970s. In carrying out its tasks, the BCDC worked with the local authorities concerned, which no longer exercised their usual responsibilities in the construction of this infrastructure. Nevertheless, the BCDC was under an obligation to consult the local authorities, which were required to give their opinion on applications for the implementation of the development plans for the area. However, the BCDC had the possibility to overrule this opinion, which happened exceptionally. This transfer of powers also materialised in the award of a call for tenders won by one of the municipalities which was thus appointed to the BCDC for the design of the road. A feasibility study commissioned to identify the factors that were hampering growth and development of the area reveals a lack of basic local infrastructure and road access despite the presence of the M5 and M6 motorway exchangers. The main objective of the BCDC is therefore to create a road to rehabilitate and develop the disused land in order to encourage their reconversions. The entire area to be developed has been divided into 6 sections progressively rehabilitated in a comprehensive manner. Once the section had been rehabilitated, it could be put on sale and the revenue reinvested in the next. In the end, ...

Summary Given the differences between rural and urban life in the Vireinate of New Spain was the family an active agent in changing modernity? On which land do we see it? The problem is to identify the paths of change. I start from the recognition of a static system in crisis, whose natural process of weakening was interrupted by laws that sought to strengthen it. Once again, there are forces in history that contribute to making the outcome of policies and good intentions something that nobody had wanted, not even imagined. I have sought to define the actors who, in different environments, faced the dilemma of choosing between the values of the past or the welfare offers of an uncertain future. Documentary sources have shown how the conflict routes were traced by legislation and infringements. Finally, the changes began, precisely in the cities and in aspects that had not been considered: far from entrenching differences, the formation of a new society where wealth and type of activity was more important than the origin of the ancestors. ; Resumen Dadas las diferencias entre la vida rural y urbana del virreinato de la Nueva España ¿fue la familia un agente activo en los cambios de la modernidad? ¿En qué terrenos lo apreciamos? El problema reside en identificar los caminos del cambio. Parto del reconocimiento de un sistema estamental en crisis, cuyo proceso natural de debilitamiento se vio interrumpido por leyes que pretendían reforzarlo. Una vez más, en la historia concurren fuerzas que contribuyen a que el resultado de las políticas y de las buenas intenciones sea algo que nadie había deseado, ni siquiera imaginado. He buscado definir a los actores que, en distintos ambientes, enfrentaron el dilema de elegir entre los valores del pasado o las ofertas de bienestar de un futuro incierto. Las fuentes documentales han mostrado cómo la legislación y las infracciones a la misma trazaron las rutas del conflicto. Finalmente, los cambios se iniciaron, precisamente en las ciudades y en aspectos que no se habían ...

Summary The aim of this text is to bring it closer to a photographic capture made to Fidel Castro on 8 January 1959 at HQ Columbia. On that day, the revolutionary leader arrived in Havana, after one week of the departure of dictator Fulgencio Bile (1 January of the same year). After dropping from the famous Sierra Maestra, the guerrilla leader began a land journey along the whole island, from Santiago de Cuba to the capital. The date of 8 January was remembered, given that another prominent event took place on 14 September of the same year. On the second date, Castro would formalise the conversion of the military building into an educational centre, which would be called the Ciudad Escolar Libertad. In addition, there is a timely discussion of HQ Columbia, as many other outstanding photographs were also captured on the same day, as was the case during Fidel's own speech in the Presidential Palace. As a hypothetical premiss, it is argued that the photograph has a historical and visual potential that has little been taken into account, and that this neglect makes it impossible to expand the historical knowledge that some iconographic traces offer, such as that of that image, which will be analysed in detail in this text. for a better understanding of the Cuban reality, as well as Latin America. ; Resumen El objetivo de este texto es realizar el acercamiento a una captura fotográfica que se hizo a Fidel Castro el 8 de enero de 1959 en el Cuartel Columbia. Ese día, el dirigente revolucionario llegó a La Habana, después de que había transcurrido una semana de la salida del dictador Fulgencio Batista (el 1° de enero del mismo año). Luego de bajar de la afamada Sierra Maestra el líder guerrillero inició una travesía terrestre a lo largo de toda la isla, desde Santiago de Cuba hasta la capital. Se remarca la fecha de ese 8 de enero, dado que el 14 de septiembre del mismo año también se desarrolló otro destacado acto. En esta segunda fecha, Castro formalizaría la conversión del edificio militar en centro educativo, que ...

. This work analysed two key moments in the design of space by the dominant Argentinian classes in the Correntous Lake Correntoso Cordilleran sector — south-east of the Province of Neuquén- to observe tensions between dominant and indigenous territories. We focused on a case study, the Mapuce Paicil Antriao community, in whose territory both moments had particular significance. This was first of all the years from 1902 to 1952, when the concept of land was transformed into the area in order to become productive capital and then to shape the tourist orientation of the area. During this period of time, the foundations were laid to remove the indigenous people from the south of the lot they inhabited. Secondly, between 1989 and 2020, as a result of a series of structural changes made possible by neoliberalism, the economic and political situation in the area was once again altered, resulting in progress on the north of the indigenous territory. We will analyse the ways in which dominant territoriality sought to be imposed at both times, as well as the indigenous tactics of persistence in ancestral spaces and lifestyles Fil: Pérez, María Alejandra. University of Buenos Aires. Faculty of Philosophy and Letras; Argentina. Arturo Jauretche National University; Argentina Fil: Aguirre, Carla Sabrina. National University of the Comahue. Patagonian Institute of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies; Argentina. FIL: Aguirre, Carla Sabrina. National Council for Scientific and Technical Research; Argentina. ; En este trabajo se analizaron dos momentos clave del diseño del espacio, por parte de las clases dominantes argentinas, en el sector cordillerano del Lago Correntoso – sudeste de la Provincia de Neuquén-, para observar las tensiones entre las territorialidades dominantes e indígenas. Nos centramos en un estudio de caso, la comunidad mapuce Paicil Antriao, en cuyo territorio ambos momentos tuvieron especial significado. Se trató, en primer lugar, de los años comprendidos entre 1902 y 1952, momento en el que operó la ...

The article offers a politico-territorial history of southern Belize of the 18th 19th centuries. It documents and shows that maya territorialities are the result of historically and territorially located options that are held up and articulated according to opportunities (political, economic), some of which make sense and are consistent with the resources available at that time (some inherited and possibly 'ancestral', others more recent). The colonial spatial order imposed at the end of the 19th century opposed not univocal territoriality and unified maya resistance, but varied territorial strategies depending on the context: here the defence of an urban lopin (in the west), that of agricultural land (in the north), and finally of the ancestral territory (in the south). In the various spatial and temporal contexts, state proposals face oppositions or even resistance at various levels, both internal and external to the indian/maya group, feeding into a debate linked to broader political issues and projects: consolidation of colonial power yesterday, building a multicultural nation today ; International audience The article proposes a political - territorial history of the south of Belize in the 18-19-20th centuries. It shows how the various Mayan spatialities result of options historically and spatially situated, taken for the different actors, and how these options are articulated depending on the opportunities (political and economic) and on the resources available in every moment. To the spatial colonial order imposed at the end of the 19th century, we don't find an univocal indian territoriality nor a Mayan unified resistance, but territorial strategies that were changing depending on the contexts : here the defense of the urban plot (in the western part), there of the agricultural land (in the northern part), there finally of the ancestral maya territory (in the southern part). In different contexts, the colonial state politics confront with strategies and even resistances that expressed to diverse levels, ...

Summary This article deals with the media responses to the current crisis in Nicaragua's Caribbean Coast and the backsliding to regional struggles for autonomy and land rights. It provides a detailed overview of the ongoing conflict in the North Caribbean, in particular how violent actions by illegal settlers are accelerating insecurity and environmental degradation and how human rights organisations such as CEJUDCHAN are using spaces such as YouTube to respond to this situation. He also outlines the struggles for the Rama Kriol village in the South Caribbean against the interoceanic canal. Based on the concept of the sociology of absences from Boaventura de Sousa Santos, the work explores the inaction, indifference and deception of the government, as well as the production, distribution and visibility of the basic media. ; Resumen Este artículo trata de las respuestas mediáticas a la crisis actual en la Costa Caribe de Nicaragua y los retrocesos a las luchas regionales por la autonomía y los derechos a la tierra. Proporciona un panorama detallado del actual conflicto en el Caribe Norte, en particular cómo las acciones violentas de los colonos ilegales están acelerando la inseguridad y la degradación ambiental y cómo organizaciones de derechos humanos como CEJUDCHAN están utilizando espacios como YouTube para responder a esta situación. También esboza las luchas por el pueblo Rama Kriol en el Caribe Sur en contra del canal interoceánico. A partir del concepto de sociología de ausencias de Boaventura de Sousa Santos, el trabajo explora la inacción, la indiferencia y el engaño del Gobierno, así como la producción, distribución y visibilidad de los medios de comunicación de base.

International audience This study determines the nuclear pragmatic limit where the direct physical negative consequences of nuclear weapons use are counter to national interests, by assuming all unknowns are conservatively optimistic. The only effect considered is nuclear winter ("nuclear autumn" in the low weapons limits) and the resultant effects on the aggressor nation. First, the ability of low nuclear weapon limits is probed for maintaining deterrence in the worst-case scenario of attacking the most-populous nation. Second, the ability of aggressor nations to feed themselves is assessed without trade and industry resultant from a nuclear attack causing "nuclear autumn" (10% global agricultural shortfall). Third, the best-case wealthy aggressor nation with abundant arable land is analyzed for starvation and economic impacts given 7000, 1000, and 100 nuclear weapons scenarios. The results found that 100 nuclear warheads is adequate for nuclear deterrence in the worst case scenario, while using more than 100 nuclear weapons by any aggressor nation (including the best positioned strategically to handle the unintended consequences) even with optimistic assumptions (including no retaliation) would cause unacceptable damage to their own society. Thus, 100 nuclear warheads is the pragmatic limit and use of government funds to maintain more than 100 nuclear weapons does not appear to be rational.

Rwanda has embarked on an ambitious policy package to modernise and professionalise the agrarian and land sector. Its reform fits into a broader call – supported by major international donors – to implement a Green Revolution in Sub-Saharan Africa. After 10 years of implementation, there is increased production output and value-addition in commercialised commodity chains. These are promising results. However, poverty reduction, particularly in more recent years, seems limited. Moreover, micro- level evidence from the field calls into question the long-term sustainability of the agricultural and land sector reform. In this article, a group of researchers, having engaged in in-depth qualitative research in a variety of settings and over an extended period, bring together their main research results and combine their key findings to challenge the dominant discourse on Rwanda as a model for development. ; Le Rwanda a entamé une vaste réforme politique visant à moderniser et à professionnaliser les secteurs agricole et foncier. Soutenu par des bailleurs internationaux, ces réformes s'inscrivent dans une volonté plus large d'introduire une Révolution Verte en Afrique subsaharienne. Après une décennie de mise en œuvre au Rwanda, on observe des résultats prometteurs tels que la croissance de la production agricole et la création de valeur ajoutée dans les filières agricoles commerciales. Néanmoins, la réduction de la pauvreté au cours de ces dernières années semble très limitée. De plus, des observations relevées au niveau micro, en milieux ruraux, questionnent la durabilité de ces réformes. Cet article regroupe les résultats d'un groupe de chercheurs qui ont travaillé sur le Rwanda avec une approche qualitative approfondie dans divers contextes et sur une longue période. Leurs conclusions majeures questionnent le discours dominant présenté par le Rwanda comme un modèle de développement pour le continent africain.

pp 50-60 ; Peer reviewed ; Traditional mountain olive groves —on slopes greater than 15%, non-irrigated and low-yielding— constitute 40% of the Jaén olive cultivation land. We estimate the profitability of the Jaén's olive oil value chain and its spatial differentiation, segmenting the analysis by: types of cultivation systems; its location in mountain or lowland areas; phases of the supply chains; and bulk and bottled oil chains. A first objective is to examine the competitive disadvantages of local mountain olive oil systems, verifying that a great majority of the mountain oils have a negative private profitability. Another objective is to prove if mountain oils present characteristics of typicity, compared to lowland oils, which may generate marketing-mix attributes that enhance obtaining differentiation-related income. Special attention is paid to designation of origin and organic farming labels. Tender IPTS-2012-J04-17-NC: Mountain Olive Oils in Jaén (Spain): a Case Study for Mountain Products Supply Chains, European Union Spanish Government's National R&D&i Plan research project, Territorial externalities in local agro-food systems: rural development, landscapes and public goods in olive oil designations of origin (EXTERSIAL) ; Les exploitations traditionnelles d'olivier de montagne –en pentes supérieures au 15%, non irriguées et de bas rendements- constituent le 40% de la surface cultivée d'olivier à Jaén. On estime la rentabilité de la chaîne de valeur de la filière d'huile d'olive de Jaén et sa différentiation spatiale, en segmentant l'analyse par: types de systèmes de culture; sa localisation en montagne ou en plaine; étapes productives de la chaine oléicole; et filières d'huile en vrac et embouteillé. Un premier objectif est l'analyse des désavantages compétitifs des systèmes oléicoles locaux de montagne, vérifiant qu'une grande majorité a une rentabilité privée négative. Un deuxième objectif est de prouver si les huiles de montagne ont des caractéristiques de typicité, en comparaison avec ...

International audience Like the knowledge that historians have of all peoples on the fringes (Beduin, Turk, Berber) of the Islamic world, what is known about the Kurds during the medieval period suffers from a monolithic vision that sees far-off places as being "all the same": tribalism, nomadism, castes. The economic and social organization of the land of the Kurds from the 9th to the 15th century is described. A paradigm of the "in-between" prevails geographically, socially, economically and politically. It has given rise to a still existing frontier culture specific to the Kurdish people. By asserting their sovereignty and differences, the tribes and emirs during the Middle Ages helped create a distinct Kurdish space. ; A l'instar de la connaissance que les historiens ont de tous les peuples des confins de l'Islam (Arabes bédouins, Turcs, Berbères), la connaissance que l'on a des Kurdes médiévaux pâtit d'une vision monolithique où, dans un monde éloigné à la fois dans le temps et dans l'espace, tout se vaut : tribalisme, nomadisme, castes. Cet article esquisse l'organisation économique et sociale du territoire des Kurdes à cette époque (IXe-XVe siècle). On verra que, dans tous les cas, le paradigme de « l'entre-deux » s'impose. Cette situation intermédiaire du point de vue géographique, socioéconomique et politique a suscité l'émergence d'une culture frontalière propre aux Kurdes, et ce jusqu'à aujourd'hui. En affirmant leur souveraineté et leur différence, les tribus et les émirs du Moyen Âge ont contribué à créer un espace kurde distinct.