The article demonstrates how Library of Congress Subject Headings (LCSH) geographic headings for the Southern Levant mirror the political investment of Congress and the American public in Middle East politics over the last thirty years. The headings' evolution as well as Library of Congress rules governing their creation is charted in detail. These LCSH headings contrast markedly with those established in other national libraries (BnF, DNB) and independent value vocabularies (TGN, GeoNames), and global opinion regarding the legal status of the occupied territories. I sketch the historical context of their formation and offer suggestions as to how libraries can "decolonize" their metadata in service of Sanford Berman's "access and equity."
Summary This article aims to address the topical policy of imagination in Jacques Rancière's philosophy. The hypothesis that we intend to outline in this work argues that imagination policy is endowed with subversive potential, which makes it possible to think about the possibility of emancipation as a political project. To this end, we analyse Rancière's definition of imagination policy, taking as a starting point its aesthetic quality. On the other hand, we also analyse the role played by the work of fiction and disenchantment in developing the thesis on the time of emancipation. Finally, we presented a brief reflection on the political potential of imagination in the context of research into contemporary political philosophy. ; Resumen El presente artículo tiene como objetivo abordar el tópico de la política de la imaginación en la filosofía de Jacques Rancière. La hipótesis que pretendemos esbozar en este trabajo sostiene que la política de la imaginación está cargada de potencial subversivo, mismo que permite pensar en la posibilidad de la emancipación como proyecto político. A tal fin, analizamos la definición que Rancière proporciona sobre la política de la imaginación, tomando como punto de partida su cualidad estética. Por otra parte, también analizamos el papel que desempeñan el trabajo de la ficción y el disenso en el desarrollo de la tesis sobre el tiempo de la emancipación. Por último, presentamos una breve reflexión sobre el potencial político de la imaginación en el contexto de las investigaciones sobre filosofía política contemporánea.
summary following Alexis de Tocqueville, many contemporary authors have seen the vitality of local associations an essential element for the health of democracies. However, many of them forget that partnership is for Tocqueville a response to a particular social phenomenon: the democratic individualism that happily captured in his observation of the 19th century American society. This work seeks to deepen the notion of democratic individualism put forward by Tocqueville in Democracy in America and its potential effects on freedom, and analyses the scope of its proposal to associate itself with this phenomenon. Contrary to contemporary authors who only seem to meet decentralisation and efficiency criteria and ignore the phenomenon of individualism, the article suggests that mere local association is not enough to save democracy from its pathologies. ; RESUMEN Siguiendo a Alexis de Tocqueville, numerosos autores contemporáneos han visto en la vitalidad de las asociaciones locales un elemento esencial para la salud de las democracias. Sin embargo, muchos de ellos olvidan que la asociatividad es para Tocqueville una respuesta a un fenómeno social concreto: el individualismo democrático que lúcidamente captó en su observación de la sociedad estadounidense del siglo XIX. El presente trabajo busca profundizar en la noción de individualismo democrático expuesta por Tocqueville en La Democracia en América y sus potenciales efectos sobre la libertad, y analiza el alcance de su propuesta de asociatividad frente a este fenómeno. A diferencia de lo que postulan autores contemporáneos que solo parecen atender a criterios de descentralización y eficiencia e ignoran el fenómeno del individualismo, el artículo sugiere que la mera asociatividad local no basta para salvar a la democracia de sus patologías
Summary The main objective of this article is to analyse the relations between the political directorates of the PVP and the FSLN in the 1960s, based on the correspondence between Manuel Mora Valverde and Carlos Fonseca Amador, in order to identify contradictions, discrepancies and overlaps between the leaders of both organisations: the first communist cut and the second a nationalist guerrilla born under the imprint of the Cuban model. In this regard, the question arises as to how the relations between the Partido Vanguardia Popular (Partido Vanguardia Popular, PVP) and the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) were during the 1960s, the two organisations being of a different nature and maintaining different political lines on the strategy to be pursued in the anti-somocist struggle. As a central hypothesis, it is argued that the establishment of relations between the two organisations was a complex process, marked by disconfidence and mutual differences, drawn from the very foundation of the FSLN towards the end of the 1960s, as both were the expression of two distinct revolutionary currents, which differed across the continent depending on the ways and strategies to combat the dictatorial regimes that dominated the region. ; Resumen El objetivo principal de este artículo es analizar las relaciones entre las direcciones políticas del PVP y del FSLN en la década de 1960, a partir de la correspondencia sostenida entre Manuel Mora Valverde y Carlos Fonseca Amador, para poder identificar las contradicciones, discrepancias y coincidencias entre los dirigentes de ambas organizaciones: la primera de corte comunista y, la segunda, una guerrilla nacionalista nacida bajo la impronta del modelo cubano. En este sentido, se parte de la interrogante de cómo fueron las relaciones entre el Partido Vanguardia Popular (PVP) y el Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) durante la década de 1960, siendo ambas organizaciones de naturaleza distinta y mantenido líneas políticas diferentes sobre la estrategia a seguir ...
Stability and security as much as the indivisibility of a state depend on relations between it and religion. The relationship between state and religion is as classic as contemporary. Classical, on the one hand, because it is known that this problem has been solved in France in particular since 1905. This has witnessed the demarcation of the state from religion. On the other hand, and above all, contemporary, because in any human society it is widely accepted that either the State has a relationship of intertwining with religion (then referred to as a sectarian state), or it is still totally irrelevant (when it comes to the secular state). The Cameroonian state, for its part, opts for the latter logic. Indeed, since his very first formal constitution, he solemnly affirmed the rejection of a state religion and as a corollary the protection of this fundamental right of religious freedom and equality. The aim is then to protect religious minorities by rejecting a single religion. The constant quest for harmony, social cohesion and thus national unity is showing the rise of churches, which is also leading to the proliferation of religions, in the major cities of Cameroon. This is compounded by the disruption of public order and the violation of other fundamental rights. The study then raises the fundamental question of relations between the state and religion under Cameroonian law. In this order of concern, the Cameroonian Constitution and its subsequent texts explicitly reject the single religion, on the one hand, and implicitly adhere to the plurality of religion, on the other. On the first point, this is made possible by the assertion of the secular nature of the Republic, against the background, the separation of civil society from religious society, the impartiality and neutrality of the State with regard to religious faiths, and the rejection of a super religion. As regards the second point, positive law recognises freedom of religion and provides for it so as to enable any citizen, individually or ...
The existence of internment camps in France and Algeria during the war of independence is linked to the particular nature of the struggle led by Algerian nationalists, who act outside the traditional ground of the military clash. In Algeria, terrorist maquis and cells were supported by logistical networks for fundraising, refuelling and propaganda. In France, attacks, fundraising and channelling to the National Liberation Front (FLN) also required the organisation of clandestine logistical structures. The response of the French law enforcement authorities — the army, police or gendarmerie — was therefore very much due to the dismantling of established networks, based on the arrest of mere 'suspects', their questioning, their files and their detention. The latter could be judicial, in prison, after a warrant has been signed by an investigating judge or conviction by a court, or administrative, in a camp, following a decision by the Governor General in Algeria and the Ministry of the Interior in France. The use of internment is therefore part of the police force of the war. It appeared to be one of the means of neutralising those enemies, namely the Algerian nationalists — those of FLN as its competitor, the MNA (Algerian National Movement) — and their supporters. ; International audience ; The existence of internment camps in France and Algeria during the war of independence is linked to the particular nature of the struggle led by Algerian nationalists, who act outside the traditional ground of the military clash. In Algeria, terrorist maquis and cells were supported by logistical networks for fundraising, refuelling and propaganda. In France, attacks, fundraising and channelling to the National Liberation Front (FLN) also required the organisation of clandestine logistical structures. The response of the French law enforcement authorities — the army, police or gendarmerie — was therefore very much due to the dismantling of established networks, based on the arrest of mere 'suspects', their questioning, their ...
The paper centers on some problematic theses of my book Kant's Political Legacy. Human Rights, Peace, Progress (UWP 2017). This reconsideration is occasioned partly by comments I received and partly by my own process of self-criticism. I focus on the point that commentators have mainly criticized, that is, the link I suggest between human dignity and our capacity for moral behavior, or autonomy. The first part recalls the basic features of my Kant-inspired and yet in many regards anti-Kantian account of the relation between dignity and autonomy and replies to some criticisms received from orthodox Kantians. The second part is strictly connected to the first because it deals with the reasons we have to believe that we are autonomous. While in the book I sketched Kant's own reasons for the 'reality of freedom,' as he puts it, I focus now on Bojan Kovačević's suggestion to look at characters in novels written by artistic geniuses (in particular Leo Tolstoy) to find indirect evidence in favor of autonomy. This allows me to reflect on the kind of evidence one can legitimately expect in the proof at issue. Thirdly, I reply to a classical objection, ignored in the book, that impacts with equal force Kant's ethics and my own position. The problem concerns people with temporary or permanent impairment of rational capacities. If I let human dignity depend on our capacity for autonomous behavior, am I committed to the counterintuitive (and rather devastating) conclusion that children or people suffering from momentary or irreversible loss of rational capacity, and a fortiori of autonomy, do not have dignity and therefore do not deserve to be protected by human rights? ; Članak se usredsređuje na neke problematične teze moje knjige Kantovo političko nasleđe. Ljudska prava, mir, progres (UWP 2017). Preispitivanje je jednim delom podstaknuto komentarima koje sam dobio a drugim delom procesom samo-kritike. Osnovni problem koji su komentatori uglavnom kritikovali jeste moj pokušaj da dovedem u vezu ljudsko dostojanstvo i našu ...
International audience The issue of the African intellectual has a current relevance, because of the status of the intellectual in the modern African states. Does the African intellectual only represent the continuation of the western cultural and intellectual imperialism in Africa or is he/she the person who can lead his community to a real freedom? How is it possible to define and to characterize the African intellectual today? How is it possible to envision educational systems in Africa, able to produce intellectuals to serve Africa in a globalized world? The article examines these questions from a historical perspective and underlines the distinction between being a graduate and being an intellectual. It suggests a reconsideration of the role of the school and education in Africa. Education in Africa needs to be related to the African context and the challenges faced by African peoples, rather than to replicate western paradigms, in order to train educated Africans for the sake of 21st century's Africa.
from 1830 to 1870, the French religious landscape lives under the sign of 'framed pluralism'. It is the 'cohesive system' which then prevails. Catholic, Jewish, Lutheran and reformed protesters enjoy equivalent rights and benefits (in principle), but "religious margins" are excluded from the system. The example of the Aisne baptists illustrates these limitations: three of their temples were closed during this period, while evangelisation activities were repressed. Prior to the Third Republic, religious freedom was not the same for all. Protestant 'non-concordants' and 'new converts', such as baptist, were sometimes deprived of it. ; From 1830 to 1870, the French religious landscape was marked by a resticted pluralism. The system of the "Concordat" organized relationships between State and religious institutions. Catholics, Jews, lutheran and reformed Protestants enjoyed equivalent rights and advantages (in principle). However, "religious margins" were excluded from the system of Concordat. The example of the Baptists (in the Aisne departement, France) illustrates this limits : three of their chapels were closed during this period while their evangelistic activities were repressed. Prior to the Third Republic, religious freedom was not the same for all. Those outside the "Concordat" and new protestant converts such as Baptists were at time deprived of their religious freedom. ; from 1830 to 1870, the French religious landscape lives under the sign of 'framed pluralism'. It is the 'cohesive system' which then prevails. Catholic, Jewish, Lutheran and reformed protesters enjoy equivalent rights and benefits (in principle), but "religious margins" are excluded from the system. The example of the Aisne baptists illustrates these limitations: three of their temples were closed during this period, while evangelisation activities were repressed. Prior to the Third Republic, religious freedom was not the same for all. Protestant 'non-concordants' and 'new converts', such as baptist, were sometimes deprived of it. ; De ...
the figure of Venezuelan Francisco de Miranda (1752-1816), appearing in countless biographies and semblances, has often been offered to us as a gymnatic and gymnatic character, who shaken in continuous races between love and death. His image has also served as a symbol of the fight for freedom, justice and American independence. Although Bartolomé Mitre, who already in his works highlights in Miranda the role of precursor to American independence, the Argentinian authors of various ideological substrate have deepened their analysis by writing real laudatory biographies about him. These include the Argentinian essentist and novelist Manuel Gálvez (1882-1962), a nationalist and Catholic inspiring writer, who, with abundant literature, travels his life and assigns him universality to his personality and political work; celebrate his Spanish-American spirit in Miranda, according to Gálvez '(.) The patria, the entire Hispana America was for the first, but only'. Other, less well-known, emphasise either military or ideological aspects, and agree in Miranda's struggle for the independence of Hispanoamerica. Ricardo Carrasco, President of the Argentinian Bolivarian Society, highlighted in his work the Military Miranda, who travelled through his life, in a story highlighting this aspect in particular. Antonio Zúñiga, in a book published by the Argentinian Masonica Association, assigns Miranda the role of ideologist and strategist of American Logies, who tried to expand his liberal ideas; on an ignition passage, Zúñiga says: "Oh Miranda! Pick up from privatism! Give an illustration! The Argentinian masonry, through these pages, written by the most modest of your workers, thank you for everything you have done for the liberal cause that is ours, which is that of all those who want freedom, equality and fraternity to be more than a slogan: a tangible reality". As is well known, the good-neighbourly policy led by the United States and Pan-Americanism provide a framework for the issues of relations between American countries ...
summary This article examines planning problems under conditions of uncertainty. Planning is always necessary, but the exercise can be done in many different ways. This sets out the difference between class-based and probability based planning and shows that the latter prevails, is inappropriate and fails. One example of its limitations is the mismanagement of the crisis caused by COVID-19. It is then proposed to look back to the probability of class, which is necessary and sufficient to properly consider planning options. Although this exercise is relevant, planning requires an additional step, that of collective choice, and it is then necessary to consider the ethical dimension. The size of the state is resolved in the political arena, and in democratic societies it must be compatible with the exercise of freedom. ; Resumen Este artículo examina los problemas de la planeación en condiciones de incertidumbre. Siempre es necesario planear, pero el ejercicio se puede realizar de muy diversas maneras. Aquí se establece la diferencia entre planeación basada en la probabilidad de clase y planeación basada en la probabilidad de caso, y se muestra que así esta última prevalezca, es inadecuada y fracasa. Un ejemplo de sus limitaciones es el mal manejo de la crisis causada por la COVID-19. Se propone, entonces, volver la mirada hacia la probabilidad de clase, que es necesaria y suficiente para plantear las opciones de planeación de manera adecuada. Aunque este ejercicio es pertinente, la planeación requiere un paso adicional, el de la elección colectiva, y es entonces ineludible preguntarse por la dimensión ética. El tamaño del Estado se resuelve en la arena política, y en las sociedades democráticas debe ser compatible con el ejercicio de la libertad.
Summary This article addresses the first fifteen years of the so-called Homosexual Liberation Movement (MLH) in Colombia, with the aim of understanding its political and cultural strategies for action, as well as its tensions and contradictions in the face of the historical and cultural challenges of a society with strong anchors in a Christian sexual morality. The article is part of the course of studies of sex and gender dissent, which is based on an assessment of the subjectivity, experiences and abductions of dissident subjects, questioning the establishment of heterosexuality and homonormatiety hegemoneries, for which in-depth interviews were carried out, as well as a bibliographic and documentary review, including the rescue of personal documents from León Zulette and the archives of Ventana Gay and De Ambiente magazines, sources that gave little use in historical research into sex and gender dissidents that gave fundamental information on the practices of the birth and the dynamics of those who were publicly aware. ; Resumen Este artículo aborda los primeros quince años del denominado Movimiento de Liberación Homosexual (MLH) en Colombia, con la intención de comprender sus estrategias políticas y culturales de acción, así como sus tensiones y contradicciones frente a los desafíos histórico-culturales de una sociedad con fuertes anclajes en una moral sexual cristiana. El artículo se inscribe en la corriente de estudios de las disidencias sexuales y de género, la cual parte de valorar la subjetividad, las experiencias y las trayectorias abyectas de los sujetos disidentes, cuestionando el establecimiento de las hegemonías de la heterosexualidad y la homonormatividad, para lo cual se llevaron a cabo entrevistas a profundidad, así como una revisión bibliográfica y documental que incluyó el rescate de documentos personales de León Zuleta y de los archivos de las revistas Ventana Gay y De Ambiente, fuentes poco utilizadas en las investigaciones de corte histórico en disidencias sexuales y de género que arrojaron ...
International audience The new world of work is being characterized by the emergence of what are, apparently, increasingly autonomous ways of working and living. Mobile work, coworking, flex office, platform-based entrepreneurship, virtual collaborations, Do It Yourself (DIT), remote work, digital nomads, among other trends, epitomize ways of organizing work practice that purportedly align productivity with freedom. But most ethnographical research already reveals many paradoxical experiences associated with these new practices and processes. Indeed, it appears that with autonomy comes surveillance and control, to a point where, as Foucault observed way back, subjectivity and subject become synonyms, and the current pandemic both strengthens and makes visible this situation. In this introduction to the special issue we make a foray into this situation, using four open and related themes developed in the five papers we selected: managerial control and technology; surveillance and platform capitalism; time and space; and new organizational forms and autonomy. Paradoxical movements are identified for each of them, before we conclude by reflecting on a grounding paradox which appears at the centre of this special issue and the themes it covers.
Despite the incremental development of the heritage dimension of local urban planning plans, as well as an ever more substantial relationship between immovable cultural heritage law and urban planning law, these two elements remain susceptible to raising confusion, occasionally contradicting one another frontally. The French Act of 7 July 2016 on Freedom of Creation, Architecture, and Heritage had the initial ambition of harmonizing and simplifying the mechanisms for the protection and enhancement of immovable cultural heritage, including under urban planning law. Yet the Act of 23 November 2018 on Housing Development, Urban planning, and Digital Technology has further contributed to weakening the heritage protection mechanisms and bestowed a priority on the construction of new buildings over the conservation and enhancement of old neighbourhoods and buildings. ; National audience
Working group on the reserved share headed by Ph. Potentier and C. Perès. In the current state of French positive law, the reserved share of the estate constitutes, in my view, an obstacle to freedom of testamentary, equal opportunities and social solidarity, as well as a form of barrier to the spirit of individual emancipation. ; Groupe de travail portant sur la réserve héréditaire dirigé par Ph. Potentier et C. Pérès En l'état actuel du droit positif français, la réserve héréditaire constitue, de mon point de vue, une entrave à la liberté testamentaire, à l'égalité des chances et à la solidarité sociale tout comme une forme de barrière à l'esprit d'émancipation individuelle.
