summary: As stated in the presentation, the published document definitively closes the debate on when and for whom the Biobo River was formed at the political and territorial boundary between Spanians and Mapuche in the Kingdom of Chile. Accordingly, this historical demarcation takes effect in 1612 and corresponds to a direct provision of the Spanish monarchy, which is then governed by King Felipe III. ; Resumen: Como se remarca en la presentación, el documento que se publica zanja de modo definitivo el debate acerca de cuándo y por quién se constituyó el río Biobío en el límite político y territorial entre hispanos y mapuches en el reino de Chile. De acuerdo con ello, ese deslinde histórico tiene efecto en 1612 y responde a una disposición directa de la monarquía española, regida entonces por el rey Felipe III.
The article demonstrates how Library of Congress Subject Headings (LCSH) geographic headings for the Southern Levant mirror the political investment of Congress and the American public in Middle East politics over the last thirty years. The headings' evolution as well as Library of Congress rules governing their creation is charted in detail. These LCSH headings contrast markedly with those established in other national libraries (BnF, DNB) and independent value vocabularies (TGN, GeoNames), and global opinion regarding the legal status of the occupied territories. I sketch the historical context of their formation and offer suggestions as to how libraries can "decolonize" their metadata in service of Sanford Berman's "access and equity."
Summary On 17 August 1930, the political forces advocating the establishment of the Second Spanish Republic, including as many Republican parties as former monarchic leaders, met in San Sebastián to establish a strategic alliance to facilitate the transition from monarchy to the republic. The delegates of the Catalan forces participating, however, asked for explicit adherence to the recognition of a political self-government regime for Catalonia by the signatories to the agreement. This represented the acquisition of a constitutive commitment to be reflected in the Spanish Constitution of 9 December 1931. ; Resumen El 17 de agosto de 1930 las fuerzas políticas que propugnaban el establecimiento de la Segunda República española, incluyendo tantos a los partidos republicanos como antiguos líderes monárquicos, se reunieron en San Sebastián para establecer una alianza estratégica que facilitara la transición de la monarquía a la república. Los delegados de las fuerzas catalanistas participantes, sin embargo, solicitaron que se explicitara la adhesión de los suscriptores del acuerdo al reconocimiento de un régimen de autogobierno político para Cataluña. Ello representó la adquisición de un compromiso constituyente que habría de plasmarse en la Constitución española de 9 de diciembre de 1931.
Pittoresque history of relations between the Monarchie and the Parliament in Paris around two particular episodes of the front, one in Saint-Germain-en-Laye and the other in Pontoise in 1649 and 1652 respectively. The published text reproduces significant documents, stamps and tables. ; International audience ; Pittoresque history of relations between the Monarchie and the Parliament in Paris around two particular episodes of the front, one in Saint-Germain-en-Laye and the other in Pontoise in 1649 and 1652 respectively. The published text reproduces significant documents, stamps and tables. ; Histoire pittoresque des relations entre la Monarchie et le Parlement de Paris autour de deux épisodes particuliers de la Fronde qui se produisent, l'un à Saint-Germain-en-Laye, l'autre à Pontoise, respectivement en 1649 et 1652. Le texte publié reproduit des documents, des estampes et des tableaux significatifs.
[ES] In a specific section of the Crónica de Alfonso X, there is a rapprochement to the political thinking of the Spanish nobility of the thirteenth century, as reflected in the events of 1272-1273. It is suggested that: (a) the real undeclared motive of the uprising could be the nobilary — mainly the Large — opposition to the imperial ambitions of Alfonso X; (b) the in-depth study of nobility claims reveals not only specific ambitions and interests, but also the existence of conceptions about the kingdom, society and the role of nobility in it, which conflict with initiatives articulated since the monarchy in the previous decades. ; Peer reviewed ; [ES] In a specific section of the Crónica de Alfonso X, there is a rapprochement to the political thinking of the Spanish nobility of the thirteenth century, as reflected in the events of 1272-1273. It is suggested that: (a) the real undeclared motive of the uprising could be the nobilary — mainly the Large — opposition to the imperial ambitions of Alfonso X; (b) the in-depth study of nobility claims reveals not only specific ambitions and interests, but also the existence of conceptions about the kingdom, society and the role of nobility in it, which conflict with initiatives articulated since the monarchy in the previous decades. ; [FR] À travers l'analyse du passage de la Chronique d'Alphonse X consacré aux événements des années 1272-1273, l'on tente une approche de la pensée politique de la noblesse castillane du XIIIe siècle telle que ces événements la reflètent. L'on suggère: a) que le véritable mobile, non déclaré, de la révolte a pu être l'opposition nobiliaire -principalement des Lara- aux ambitions impériales d'Alphonse X; b) que l'étude approfondie des revendications nobiliaires ne révèle pas seulement des ambitions et des intérêts particuliers, mais encore l'existence d'idées sur le royaume, la société et le rôle de la noblesse dans celle-ci qui se heurtent aux initiatives monarchiques des décennies antérieures. ; [ES] In a specific section of the Crónica ...
[ES] By examining the main reprisals that took place in the 17th century against French, English and Dutch, and the general embargoes that gave rise to, this article helps to shed light on the real impact of the economic war measures taken by the Catholic Monarchy against its most pervasive adversaries on the dominance of world trade. To this end, the work explores the medieval roots of the right of retaliation, which is highly "private", and its transformation already in modern times into a widespread practice among Western European governments, subject to a profound legislative reformulation. This work is part of the ESCOMARIN project (BHA2000-0183-C02-01) of the National Programme for General Knowledge Promotion ; Peer reviewed ; [ES] By examining the main reprisals that took place in the 17th century against French, English and Dutch, and the general embargoes that gave rise to, this article helps to shed light on the real impact of the economic war measures taken by the Catholic Monarchy against its most pervasive adversaries on the dominance of world trade. To this end, the work explores the medieval roots of the right of retaliation, which is highly "private", and its transformation already in modern times into a widespread practice among Western European governments, subject to a profound legislative reformulation. This work is part of the ESCOMARIN project (BHA2000-0183-C02-01) of the National Programme for General Knowledge Promotion ; [EN] Through an analysis of the main reprisals carried out against French, English and Dutch in the seventeenth century, and the general embargoes to which they gave rise, this study addresses the impact of the economic war measures adopted by Spanish Hapsburgs against their most stubborn adversaries in the struggle for global commercial power. The article also explores the medieval roots of the law of reprisal, of a marked «private» character, and its transformation during the early modern period into a extended normative practice widely used by Western European ...
Copy dedicated to: Arming and mashing in the modern centuries (XV-XVIII) [ES] The present review of the evolution of the Mediterranean Armed Forces of the Monarchy has been determined on the basis of the development of the vessel that characterises it, the megrim, and because of the confrontation of the various Islamic powers in its banks. The war against the Ottoman Empire and the need for communication between the different states governed by the Austrian governments are the factors that explain its rapid development since the time of Carlos V, although its high cost and the need to maintain active permanent squares for a continuous war of wear were the factors that influenced their lives over these centuries. The changes in nautical and constructive systems, such as the war itself at sea, are the reasons for their extinction and the end of a specific Mediterranean marine in Spain from the 18th century. ; Peer reviewed ; Copy dedicated to: Arming and mashing in the modern centuries (XV-XVIII) [ES] The present review of the evolution of the Mediterranean Armed Forces of the Monarchy has been determined on the basis of the development of the vessel that characterises it, the megrim, and because of the confrontation of the various Islamic powers in its banks. The war against the Ottoman Empire and the need for communication between the different states governed by the Austrian governments are the factors that explain its rapid development since the time of Carlos V, although its high cost and the need to maintain active permanent squares for a continuous war of wear were the factors that influenced their lives over these centuries. The changes in nautical and constructive systems, such as the war itself at sea, are the reasons for their extinction and the end of a specific Mediterranean marine in Spain from the 18th century. ; [EN] This account of the evolution of the Monarchy's Mediterranean navies focuses on two main factors: firstly the development of their most characteristic ship, the galera (galley) and ...
At the end of the Ancient Regime we have seen a dynamic in the regional economies. The crisis of the monarchy and the violence installed so lasting in America brought about the disruption, sometimes temporary and others ultimately, economic and political spatiality consolidated during the Bourbon period and the building of new space, according to the situation. We propose a comparative analysis of how these processes are inserted in the port region of the Rio de la Plata and the Andean. ; A fines del Antiguo Régimen se advierte un dinamismo en las economías regionales. La crisis de la monarquía y la violencia instalada de modo durable en América trajeron consigo la desarticulación, algunas veces temporaria y otras, definitiva, de espacialidades económicas y políticas consolidadas durante el período borbónico y la estructuración de nuevas espacialidades en función de la coyuntura. Nos proponemos analizar de manera comparativa cómo se insertan en estos procesos la región portuaria del Río de la Plata y la región andina rioplatense. Documento incorporado en 2019 en el marco del "Programa de becas de experiencia laboral" de la Biblioteca Profesor Guillermo Obiols para estudiantes de Bibliotecología, a partir de un procedimiento técnico de captura de datos desarrollado por el personal del IdIHCS. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación
The famous Chrononist Luis Cabrera de Córdoba, in his story of King Prudente, told us that Felipe II was entertaining during the rest hours 'with traces of military factories and machines'. It is true that the Monarca felt a great deal of enthusiasm for all the military, even though it had been considered to leave these topics to its advisors' experts. Thanks to this dedication, the Spanish Navy became a modern navy able to provide quick solutions to concrete problems. In our recent work on the Spanish Navy, we sufficiently outlined this advantageous slope of the Monarca; we said that later on new aspects would emerge that would accentuate the role of the Navy in the service of the Crown. One of the greatest vicisitudes to overcome the Monarca was the war in Granada, this barely known period of two years (1569-1570) of struggling without rest, which undoubtedly marked an important stage in the army of the Monarchy. ; Peer reviewed ; The famous Chrononist Luis Cabrera de Córdoba, in his story of King Prudente, told us that Felipe II was entertaining during the rest hours 'with traces of military factories and machines'. It is true that the Monarca felt a great deal of enthusiasm for all the military, even though it had been considered to leave these topics to its advisors' experts. Thanks to this dedication, the Spanish Navy became a modern navy able to provide quick solutions to concrete problems. In our recent work on the Spanish Navy, we sufficiently outlined this advantageous slope of the Monarca; we said that later on new aspects would emerge that would accentuate the role of the Navy in the service of the Crown. One of the greatest vicisitudes to overcome the Monarca was the war in Granada, this barely known period of two years (1569-1570) of struggling without rest, which undoubtedly marked an important stage in the army of the Monarchy. ; El célebre cronista Luis Cabrera de Córdoba, en su historia del Rey Prudente, nos dice que Felipe II se entretenía en las horas de descanso «con trazas de fábricas y ...
Peer reviewed ; [EN] The purpose of this article is to analyse the important conflicts between the Castilian monarchy and the nobility in the the half of the 13th century taken in relation with the different political importance of the aristocratic families concerned. The article has three parts: a general review of the high nobility in Castile, a description of the conflicts monarchy/nobility and, finally, an explanation of the relationship between noble families and the monarchy. ; [ES] El objetivo de este trabajo es una reflexión basada en el análisis de los importantes conflictos que enfrentaron a la monarquía y a la nobleza castellana en la primera mitad del siglo xiii en relación con el diferente peso político de los grupos nobiliarios implicados. El artículo consta de tres partes: una caracterización general de la alta nobleza castellana, una descripción de los conflictos nobleza/monarquía y, por último, algunas líneas de interpretación de las relaciones entre los grupos nobiliarios y la monarquía.
from 1830 to 1870, the French religious landscape lives under the sign of 'framed pluralism'. It is the 'cohesive system' which then prevails. Catholic, Jewish, Lutheran and reformed protesters enjoy equivalent rights and benefits (in principle), but "religious margins" are excluded from the system. The example of the Aisne baptists illustrates these limitations: three of their temples were closed during this period, while evangelisation activities were repressed. Prior to the Third Republic, religious freedom was not the same for all. Protestant 'non-concordants' and 'new converts', such as baptist, were sometimes deprived of it. ; From 1830 to 1870, the French religious landscape was marked by a resticted pluralism. The system of the "Concordat" organized relationships between State and religious institutions. Catholics, Jews, lutheran and reformed Protestants enjoyed equivalent rights and advantages (in principle). However, "religious margins" were excluded from the system of Concordat. The example of the Baptists (in the Aisne departement, France) illustrates this limits : three of their chapels were closed during this period while their evangelistic activities were repressed. Prior to the Third Republic, religious freedom was not the same for all. Those outside the "Concordat" and new protestant converts such as Baptists were at time deprived of their religious freedom. ; from 1830 to 1870, the French religious landscape lives under the sign of 'framed pluralism'. It is the 'cohesive system' which then prevails. Catholic, Jewish, Lutheran and reformed protesters enjoy equivalent rights and benefits (in principle), but "religious margins" are excluded from the system. The example of the Aisne baptists illustrates these limitations: three of their temples were closed during this period, while evangelisation activities were repressed. Prior to the Third Republic, religious freedom was not the same for all. Protestant 'non-concordants' and 'new converts', such as baptist, were sometimes deprived of it. ; De ...
report on the latest book by Professor Bernard Vonglis (historian of law) on the absolute monarchy, its definition, its timing and the problems it raises, together with a critical reflection on the terms of the debate. ; Reflexion about absolutism ; report on the latest book by Professor Bernard Vonglis (historian of law) on the absolute monarchy, its definition, its timing and the problems it raises, together with a critical reflection on the terms of the debate. ; Compte rendu du dernier livre du Professeur Bernard Vonglis (historien du droit) sur la monarchie absolue, sa définition, sa datation et les problèmes qu'elle soulève, accompagné d'une réflexion critique sur les termes du débat.
International audience Abstract : Memory laws are not as recent as we might think. The laws of January 19, 1816 had already been adopted under the Restoration and Monarchy of July to, amongst other things, impose an annual mourning on the people of France, which would be held on January 21, this being the date on which Louis XVI was executed. The aim was both to make them feel guilty for the « crime » committed by the revolutionaries, but also to make them dissociate themselves, in front of other people, from those who had committed it. Far from being consensual, this provision was opposed by all those who wanted the country to be appeased. Up until 1833, the year the law was abolished, they called for its annulment, arguing that it directly breached the 1814 Charter and ultimately the 1830 Charter, which had nevertheless made oblivion a constitutional requirement. They also stressed the need not to create a war of remembrance and to let professional historians do their work.
After a reminder and discussion of key concepts, including "gross national happiness", the support for tourism communication in Bhutan, one of the most closed countries in the world, the article asks about the content of a tourism policy fully controlled by the state and the Buddhist monarchy. The government is clearly focusing on elite tourism to get back to an alarming and dependent economic situation on India. Based on two major pillars, culture and the environment, the tourism strategy seeks to reconcile the contradictions of the country's openness in the context of a rigorous policy of "preservation" or even conservation, which distrust the western model, considered consumerist. ; International audience ; After a reminder and discussion of key concepts, including "gross national happiness", the support for tourism communication in Bhutan, one of the most closed countries in the world, the article asks about the content of a tourism policy fully controlled by the state and the Buddhist monarchy. The government is clearly focusing on elite tourism to get back to an alarming and dependent economic situation on India. Based on two major pillars, culture and the environment, the tourism strategy seeks to reconcile the contradictions of the country's openness in the context of a rigorous policy of "preservation" or even conservation, which distrust the western model, considered consumerist. ; Après un rappel et une discussion des concepts clés, dont le « bonheur national brut », support de la communication touristique au Bhoutan, un des pays les plus fermés au monde, l'article interroge le contenu d'une politique touristique entièrement contrôlée par l'État et la monarchie bouddhiste. Le gouvernement mise clairement sur un tourisme d'élite pour remonter une situation économique alarmante et dépendante de l'Inde. Reposant sur deux piliers majeurs, la culture et l'environnement, la stratégie touristique tente de concilier les contradictions de l'ouverture du pays dans le contexte d'une rigoureuse politique de « ...
framed in an optional role under the July monarchy, Tocqueville found an opportunity in the period 1848-1 851 to present its political and historical thinking for implementation. As a member of the Constitutional Commission, he has more influence than has been generally said, and if the arrangements he proposes depend on the circumstances, they are also informed by the analysis of the theorist. But Tocqueville's thinking and action encounter a series of contradictions, owing to its own republican position and the forces of the moment. In addition, in this period there is a problem that has been perceived, wrongly or correctly, as a recurring issue in French history since the Revolution: release the Republican Executive from the monarchic mortgage. This study on Tocqueville helps to put in perspective certain controversy concerning the Fifth Federal Republic. ; Cantonné dans un rôle oppositionnel sous la monarchie de Juillet, Tocqueville trouve dans la période 1848-1851 l'occasion de soumettre à l'application sa réflexion politique et historique. Membre de la commission de Constitution, il exerce plus d'influence qu'on ne l'a généralement dit, et si les modalités qu'il propose sont tributaires des circonstances, elles s'éclairent également par l'analyse du théoricien. Mais la pensée et l'action de Tocqueville rencontrent une série de contradictions, tenant à sa propre position républicaine et au jeu des forces du moment. En outre, réapparaît dans cette période un problème ressenti, à tort ou à raison, comme récurrent dans l'histoire française depuis la Révolution : libérer l'exécutif républicain de l'hypothèque monarchique. Cette étude sur Tocqueville contribue à replacer en perspective certaines controverses concernant la Cinquième République.
