The article demonstrates how Library of Congress Subject Headings (LCSH) geographic headings for the Southern Levant mirror the political investment of Congress and the American public in Middle East politics over the last thirty years. The headings' evolution as well as Library of Congress rules governing their creation is charted in detail. These LCSH headings contrast markedly with those established in other national libraries (BnF, DNB) and independent value vocabularies (TGN, GeoNames), and global opinion regarding the legal status of the occupied territories. I sketch the historical context of their formation and offer suggestions as to how libraries can "decolonize" their metadata in service of Sanford Berman's "access and equity."
Gotong Royong, as an Indonesian national identity, is not a new concept because it is a long-standing Indonesian cultural value. As an Indonesian ancestor legacy, in the form of immaterial asset, Gotong Royong has been indicated to have been deeply rooted in the Indonesian society's life. Therefore, there is a need to study and explore the meaning and history of Gotong Royong. This study employs library research, which allows the use of references in the form of articles, books, and journals as its primary data of analysis. The result of this study is that Gotong Royong has existed since Before Christ (B.C.) to the present. The conclusion of this study is the expectation that Gotong Royong is continually maintained as the way of life for Indonesians because Gotong Royong is evident in Pancasila, Bhineka Tunggal Ika, and in living a democratic life
The return of religion to Russia as early as the 1990s is opposed not only to the alleged lack of ideal society (which is the so-called post-modernist vision), but also to the influence of Western culture. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the search for 'the Russian idea' requires the redefinition of national identity. In literary criticism, as in other areas of public life, national identity is inseparable from its spiritual dimension. It is built according to a rather complex system with binary oppositions, including the main camps: patriots/Democrats; post-modernist/realistic; religious/secular. The article explores three fields of investigation: — 'patriots' Nash Sovremennik and Moskva; — 'Democrats': Novy Mir, Znamia, Druzhba Narodov, Zvezda, Oktiabr, etc. — the 'religious' magazine Kontinent. ; Le retour du religieux en Russie dès les années 1990 s'oppose non seulement à la prétendue absence d'idéal de la société (ce qui est la vision dite postmoderniste), mais aussi à l'influence de la culture occidentale. Après l'effondrement de l'Union soviétique, la recherche de « l'idée russe » passe par la redéfinition de l'identité nationale. Dans la critique littéraire, comme dans les autres domaines de la vie publique, l'identité nationale est inséparable de sa dimension spirituelle. Elle se construit selon un système assez complexe et mouvant d'oppositions binaires, dont on peut citer les camps principaux : patriotes/démocrates ; postmodernistes/réalistes ; religieux/laïques. L'article explore trois champs d'investigation :– les revues « patriotes » Nash Sovremennik et Moskva ;– les revues « démocrates » : Novy Mir, Znamia, Druzhba Narodov, Zvezda, Oktiabr, etc.– la revue « religieuse » Kontinent .
Different authors show opposing results concerning the relationship between national and European identities. This article confirms empirically that identification with Europe is directly and yet paradoxically related to national identifications. It also shows that the relationship established between these two identifications has changed over the last two decades in a consistent way. The changes in this relationship are interpreted as a consequence of the dual process at stake when people identify with a territorially based community. The first process refers to the sociologically and politically determined individual disposition to feel like a member of a community rather than an isolated individual: it is cumulative as far as identification with nations and with Europe is concerned. The other dimension, on the contrary, is exclusive: it results from the sociological and political process of community building which is made easier by the delimitation of the community, and is hence fuelled by pointing out some significant "other" such as the European Union. These two processes interact in such a way that the relationship between the two levels of identification is often difficult to spot which explains why there is considerable debate on whether a strong sense of national identity leads the way to European identity or prevents it.
The advent of nations in Europe from the end of the 18th century corresponds with the political and economic changes taking place at the time. However, the way had been paved for the formation of these nations by the cultural creation of national identities, references that had been built to support a collective consciousness. Writers, artists and scholars had developed cultural heritage and a national system of symbols based on a transnational model. It is via the constant exchange of ideas and know-how that the main elements of national identity (language, historiography, landscape, historical monuments and folklore) were forged. ; International audience L'avènement des nations en Europe, à partir de la fin du XVIIIe siècle, correspond à des mutations politiques et économiques. Mais la formation des nations a été préparée par la création culturelle des identités nationales, références construites pour devenir support d'une conscience collective. Écrivains, artistes, érudits ont élaboré les patrimoines culturels et symboliques nationaux, selon un modèle transnational. C'est à travers des échanges constants d'idées et de savoir-faire qu'ont été forgés les principaux éléments des identités nationales (langue, historiographie, paysage, monuments historiques, folklore). ; The advent of nations in Europe from the end of the 18th century corresponds with the political and economic changes taking place at the time. However, the way had been paved for the formation of these nations by the cultural creation of national identities, references that had been built to support a collective consciousness. Writers, artists and scholars had developed cultural heritage and a national system of symbols based on a transnational model. It is via the constant exchange of ideas and know-how that the main elements of national identity (language, historiography, landscape, historical monuments and folklore) were forged. ; The advent of nations in Europe from the end of the 18th century corresponded with the political and economie ...
This collective work was led by French teachers working in different universities and Faculties of Egypt. It is on the basis of their varied experiences in the province and in Caire1 that a teaching discussion has been developed, including, as a matter of priority, social paramets in the learning and appropriation of foreign languages. As opposed to more technical ways of approaching the teaching of 'Français Langue Étrangère', it was a question of showing that in mastering, using and, consequently, learning a foreign language, the most important thing might be outside the classroom, amphitheatre or language laboratory. The assumption that led our research makes the family a privileged place to observe the process of capitalising foreign languages in 20th century Egypt. The choice to learn a language and bi- or trilingualism go back to family decisions. The family shares with the school a major role in training foreign languages, some of which, in particular French, have become second languages or even genuine mother tongue. It seemed interesting in a country where imperial powers, whose national identity has largely been built up against them, to see how Egyptian families have followed the practice of politically dominant languages, diversified their strengths, integrated them into their transferable heritage or not, depending on which social mobility strategies. A foreign language is a communication tool, but also a sign of recognition. We therefore built our work on the idea that the ability to play on several codes was a strong class brand, and tried to test this assumption on around ten Arabic Egyptian families, who at a certain point in their history had access to one or more foreign languages. ; International audience ; This collective work was led by French teachers working in different universities and Faculties of Egypt. It is on the basis of their varied experiences in the province and in Caire1 that a teaching discussion has been developed, including, as a matter of priority, social paramets in the ...
The Centenary of Independence opens a period of reflection in Argentina on national identity, the country's past and future. It is in this context that Dante Quinterno creates Patoruzú (1928), a comic strip whose hero is an indigenous Tehuelche indigenous force. Our working hypothesis is as follows: Patoruzú operates as a counter-ethnotype, the purpose of which is to remedy an unhonoured past, a fable which feeds into Latin American compensatory mythology. Keywords: cultural studies, comic strip, Dante Quinterno, Patoruzú, indigenous people, representations, counterethnotypes, identity, XX century, Argentina. Resumen: EL Centenario de la Independencia abre in Argentina a de Reflexión sobre la identidad nacional, sobre el Pasado y el futuro del país. ES in context that Dante Quinterno crea Patoruzú (1928), una historieta cuyo heroe will be an Indígena Tehuelche dotado de una fuerza sobrenatural. Nuestra hipótesis de trabajo es la siguiente: Patoruzú funciona como un contra-etnotipo cuyo objetivo es Remediar un Pasado aún no Honrado, una fábula that viene fed the mitología compensadora Latinoamericana. ; International audience In this paper, we analyze the representation of indigenous people in Latin American comics in a multidisciplinary approach that mobilizes disciplines such as History, Sociology, and Cultural Studies.In 1928, Dante Quinterno created in Argentina Patoruzú, a comic strip whose hero was a rich and generous Tehuelche Indian endowed with supernatural powers.Our working hypothesis is that Patoruzú works as a "restorative fable" whose objective is to remedy a "past not yet honored", a "counter-ethnotype" that embodies telluric nationalism –in opposition to liberal cosmopolitanism– in a context of economic and identity crisis. ; The Centenary of Independence opens a period of reflection in Argentina on national identity, the country's past and future. It is in this context that Dante Quinterno creates Patoruzú (1928), a comic strip whose hero is an indigenous Tehuelche indigenous force. Our working ...
Peer reviewed ; We consider a Gellnerian model to study the transformation of a two-region state into a nation state. Industrialization requires the elites to finance schooling. The implementation of statewide education generates a common national identity, which enables cross-regional production, while regional education does not. We show that statewide education is chosen when cross-regional production opportunities and productivity are high, especially when the same elite holds power at both geographical levels. By contrast, a dominant regional elite might prefer regional schooling, even at the loss of large cross-regional production opportunities if it is statewide dominated. The model is consistent with evidence for five European countries in 1860–1920. This work was supported by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness, through the Severo Ochoa Programme for Centres of Excellence in R&D (grant number SEV-2015-0563), CICYT (grant number ECO2012- 37065), and the government of Catalonia
Representations of, and attitudes towards, foreigners take place within the complex system of values and meaning that constitutes what we call a national identity. In the French case, different conceptions of citizenship give rise to different attitudes towards immigrants. These conceptions, even if they could be related to antagonistic theories of democracy, blend together within the citizens' representations, giving the opportunity to combine advantages from each model, namely cohesion and inclusion. But the mix of citizenship representations occurs successfully only when the political dimension of citizenship is accepted. Where this is not the case, the antagonistic potential of both understanding of citizenship and immigrants develops and endangers the coherence of the civic and political national culture.
In view of the cultural aspect, the national identity of Indonesia is the manifestation of cultural values that develop in all aspects of life with unique characteristics differentiating Indonesia from other countries. As a pluralistic country, Indonesia has 34 provinces with more than 16.000 islands of varied cultures. All of which have the power to integrate or disintegrate Indonesia's national unity. Inevitably, the world is changing in a process of globalization toward creating a new borderless big village with consequences 1) less government power; 2) liberalism; 3) free market economy; 4) western culture hegemony; and many others. Globalization is deemed catastrophic toward Indonesian traditional values. This paper argues that globalization, on the contrary, brings the opportunity to see the reality of language use in that between English and Indonesian pragmatic apology utterances, both expressive speech acts show similarity in apology features. This paper wants to see whether globalization affects local identity in the context of language use. This paper analyzed apology utterances in Friends TV Series as western representation and utterances found in Office Boy TV Series as Indonesian representation. It is a descriptive qualitative study with content analysis adopted from Spradley in Santoso (2017). The finding shows that apology utterances both English and Indonesian realized universal features of apology that is IFID, Responsibility, Explanation, Repair, Forbearance, Addressed, Phatic, and Interjection. In conclusion, there is no language hegemony. If one considers similarities rather than differences, one will get a deeper insight into languages that will broaden one's view of language.
To legitimise its power and to build a national identity in the young Spanish-American republics, the Christian elites forged a panteon of patrian heroes intended to play an exemplary, unifying and stabilising role. The worship of the patrio heroe will be strengthened through a wide range of popular civic events and the school transmission of some historical memory. But not just because of this, the patrian heroes survive. His worship is part of a 'programmed mythology' in which we move unnoticed. ; International audience ; To legitimise its power and to build a national identity in the young Spanish-American republics, the Christian elites forged a panteon of patrian heroes intended to play an exemplary, unifying and stabilising role. The worship of the patrio heroe will be strengthened through a wide range of popular civic events and the school transmission of some historical memory. But not just because of this, the patrian heroes survive. His worship is part of a 'programmed mythology' in which we move unnoticed. ; Para legitimar su poder y para construir una identidad nacional en las jóvenes repúblicas hispanoamericanas, las élites criollas forjaron un panteón de héroes patrios destinados a cumplir un papel ejemplar, unificador y estabilizador. El culto al héroe patrio se afianzará gracias a una amplia gama de actos cívicos populares y a la transmisión escolar de una cierta memoria histórica. Pero no solo por eso perviven los héroes patrios. Su culto forma parte de una "mitología programada" en la que nos movemos aun sin darnos cuenta.
The creation of a Ministry of Immigration, Integration, National Identity and Co-Development could be seen as the mere 'collateral damage' of an election campaign put by candidate Sarkozy under the traditional themes of the nationalist right. While the effects of competition within the political field may explain the electoral promise, they cannot be sufficient to explain how it could be so easily and quickly put into action. Sylvain Laurens shows here that, in addition to the so-called "hyperpresident", this new ministry is mainly a continuation of forty years of restrictive and reshareholder public immigration policies. ; International audience ; The creation of a Ministry of Immigration, Integration, National Identity and Co-Development could be seen as the mere 'collateral damage' of an election campaign put by candidate Sarkozy under the traditional themes of the nationalist right. While the effects of competition within the political field may explain the electoral promise, they cannot be sufficient to explain how it could be so easily and quickly put into action. Sylvain Laurens shows here that, in addition to the so-called "hyperpresident", this new ministry is mainly a continuation of forty years of restrictive and reshareholder public immigration policies. ; La création d'un ministère de l'Immigration, de l'intégration, de l'identité nationale et du co-développement pourrait être perçue comme le simple « dommage collatéral » d'une campagne électorale placée par le candidat Sarkozy sous l'étendard des thèmes classiques de la droite nationaliste. Si les effets de concurrence au sein du champ politique peuvent expliquer la promesse électorale, ils ne peuvent suffire à expliquer comment celle-ci a pu être aussi facilement et rapidement mise en actes. Sylvain Laurens montre ici qu'au-delà du soi-disant volontarisme d'un « hyperprésident », ce nouveau ministère s'inscrit surtout dans la continuité de quarante ans de politiques publiques restrictives et réactionnaires en matière d'immigration.
the purpose of this article is to reflect on the meaning of the question of the existence and continuity of the Republic of China as a state in Taiwanese society today, as well as the application of its fundamental charter. In particular, it raises the question of the significance of this requirement of continuity in the process of national identity building, as well as its impact on the political and diplomatic dynamics between China and Taiwan in recent years. ; International audience ; the purpose of this article is to reflect on the meaning of the question of the existence and continuity of the Republic of China as a state in Taiwanese society today, as well as the application of its fundamental charter. In particular, it raises the question of the significance of this requirement of continuity in the process of national identity building, as well as its impact on the political and diplomatic dynamics between China and Taiwan in recent years. ; Cet article a pour objectif de réfléchir sur le sens que prend aujourd'hui la question de l'existence et de la continuité de la République de Chine en tant qu'Etat dans la société taiwanaise, ainsi que celle de l'application de sa charte fondamentale. Il permet de s'interroger plus particulièrement sur la portée que revêt cette exigence de continuité dans le processus de construction identitaire nationale, ainsi que sur son impact dans la dynamique politique et diplomatique qui se joue ces dernières années entre la Chine et Taiwan
Summary In the cultural production of images distributed on the internet, we find the work of authors based in Mexico who propose depictions of masculinity in dissident keys. The illustrators Félix d'Eon, Fabián Cháirez, Wonkamon and Pierna Cruzada challenge the traditional representation of hegemonic masculinity in national culture by including homosexual desire, feminised bodies and ethnic diversity in the image of men. This work raises a constructive look at the policies of national identity. Our methodological proposal for visual literacy, as these images are freely distributed on digital platforms, seeks to make the mechanisms of contemporary queer representation and their political potential visible. ; Resumen En la producción cultural de imágenes distribuidas en internet encontramos la obra de autores radicados en México que proponen representaciones de la masculinidad en clave disidente. Los ilustradores Félix d'Eon, Fabián Cháirez, Wonkamon y Pierna Cruzada problematizan la representación tradicional de la masculinidad hegemónica en la cultura nacional al incluir en la imagen de los hombres el deseo homosexual, los cuerpos feminizados y la diversidad étnica. Este trabajo plantea una mirada queer deconstructiva de las políticas de la identidad nacional. Nuestra propuesta metodológica de alfabetización visual, dado que estas imágenes se distribuyen de forma libre en plataformas digitales, busca visibilizar los mecanismos de la representación queer contemporánea, así como su potencial político.
