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The article demonstrates how Library of Congress Subject Headings (LCSH) geographic headings for the Southern Levant mirror the political investment of Congress and the American public in Middle East politics over the last thirty years. The headings' evolution as well as Library of Congress rules governing their creation is charted in detail. These LCSH headings contrast markedly with those established in other national libraries (BnF, DNB) and independent value vocabularies (TGN, GeoNames), and global opinion regarding the legal status of the occupied territories. I sketch the historical context of their formation and offer suggestions as to how libraries can "decolonize" their metadata in service of Sanford Berman's "access and equity."

At a time when the role of religion in reducing global conflicts and the authority of its leaders are being questioned, studies that would link religion and conflict may fill in a gap in knowledge. To address this gap, this study seeks to gain an understanding of Orlando Cardinal Quevedo's task and ministry of peacemaking in the long-running conflict in the Southern Mindanao region. Given the recent signing of the Bangsa Moro Organic Law as the highly expected solid basis for a peaceful and prosperous Mindanao, it is timely to look back and pay closer attention to the key role that he played as a peace advocate. To achieve this end, it organized and conducted a content analysis of his writings and interviews about peace and its imperatives. Findings show that his words, firmly rooted in the conflict's historical past and yet open to the realities of the present, encompassed and helped disclose his practical wisdom, consensus-driven approach, and Catholic perspectives of its underlying issues and challenges. The lessons and insights that are uncovered from his writings may serve as a grounded recipe for those who would follow in his footsteps to learn and re-appropriated in a hopefully not an unending task and ministry of peacemaking in today's world.

Article available online at: http://rhr.revues.org/7546 in 1 702, the camisarde insurgency inaugurated in Languedoc was a time of religious unrest. The revolt turns into a polymorph conflict. Here we look at the development of the duels that mirror political, clergy and people, and the entry of a society at war. The approach highlights the multiplicity of violence — physical, ideals, languages — and patterns of sectarian clashes. On the basis of unprecedented archives, the thesis calls for an overall reconsideration of the unrest by including a third strictly civilian actor and by promoting the study of a war in its system. With this protest challenge, which is unique in revocative history, she also questions the state of the southern Catholicism which has come to an end. ; International audience ; Article available online at: http://rhr.revues.org/7546 in 1 702, the camisarde insurgency inaugurated in Languedoc was a time of religious unrest. The revolt turns into a polymorph conflict. Here we look at the development of the duels that mirror political, clergy and people, and the entry of a society at war. The approach highlights the multiplicity of violence — physical, ideals, languages — and patterns of sectarian clashes. On the basis of unprecedented archives, the thesis calls for an overall reconsideration of the unrest by including a third strictly civilian actor and by promoting the study of a war in its system. With this protest challenge, which is unique in revocative history, she also questions the state of the southern Catholicism which has come to an end. ; Article disponible en ligne à l'adresse : http://rhr.revues.org/7546 En 1702 l'insurrection camisarde inaugure en Languedoc un temps de troubles religieux. La révolte mute en un conflit polymorphe. On examine ici la déclinaison des duels qui mirent aux prises instances politiques, clergé et populations, et l'entrée d'une société en guerre. L'approche souligne la multiplicité des violences – physiques, idéelles, langagières –, et des modalités ...

Stability and security as much as the indivisibility of a state depend on relations between it and religion. The relationship between state and religion is as classic as contemporary. Classical, on the one hand, because it is known that this problem has been solved in France in particular since 1905. This has witnessed the demarcation of the state from religion. On the other hand, and above all, contemporary, because in any human society it is widely accepted that either the State has a relationship of intertwining with religion (then referred to as a sectarian state), or it is still totally irrelevant (when it comes to the secular state). The Cameroonian state, for its part, opts for the latter logic. Indeed, since his very first formal constitution, he solemnly affirmed the rejection of a state religion and as a corollary the protection of this fundamental right of religious freedom and equality. The aim is then to protect religious minorities by rejecting a single religion. The constant quest for harmony, social cohesion and thus national unity is showing the rise of churches, which is also leading to the proliferation of religions, in the major cities of Cameroon. This is compounded by the disruption of public order and the violation of other fundamental rights. The study then raises the fundamental question of relations between the state and religion under Cameroonian law. In this order of concern, the Cameroonian Constitution and its subsequent texts explicitly reject the single religion, on the one hand, and implicitly adhere to the plurality of religion, on the other. On the first point, this is made possible by the assertion of the secular nature of the Republic, against the background, the separation of civil society from religious society, the impartiality and neutrality of the State with regard to religious faiths, and the rejection of a super religion. As regards the second point, positive law recognises freedom of religion and provides for it so as to enable any citizen, individually or ...

in the field of managing discrimination on grounds of religion in business, the concept of neutrality is all. but neutral. Formalised in legal language through regulations, charters and other employment contracts, convictional neutrality is a tool used by the company to formalise its policy towards both its employees and its clients. However, its indiscriminate application is questionable. In France and Belgium, a series of judicial cases make it possible to understand how the use of religious neutrality within the company works and its consequences for the religious freedom of employees and the fight against discrimination. ; Dans le domaine de la gestion des discriminations pour motif de religion dans l'entreprise, la mobilisation de la notion de neutralité est tout… sauf neutre. Formalisée en langage juridique par des règlements, des chartes et autres contrats de travail, la neutralité convictionnelle représente un outil mobilisé par l'entreprise pour formaliser sa politique à l'égard de ses salariés comme de ses clients. Cependant, son application indifférenciée est sujette à caution. En France comme en Belgique, une série d'affaires judiciaires permet de comprendre le fonctionnement du recours à la neutralité religieuse au sein de l'entreprise et ses conséquences vis-à-vis de la liberté religieuse des salariés et de la lutte contre les discriminations.

Relations between Palestinians and Americans are often reduced to economic and political considerations. However, these are not enough to reflect the particularities of the relationship between the United States, Palestine and Israel. This article explores the religious aspect of these relations, by exploring evangelical Christian Zionism, which is currently estimated to account for around 40 million Americans. ; Relationships between the United States and Palestine are often reduced to economic or political dimensions. However, religion is a key element. One cannot understand the specific ties between America, Palestine and Israël without addressing the issue of US Evangelical zionism, which is represented by 40 millions of US citizens. ; Relations between Palestinians and Americans are often reduced to economic and political considerations. However, these are not enough to reflect the particularities of the relationship between the United States, Palestine and Israel. This article explores the religious aspect of these relations, by exploring evangelical Christian Zionism, which is currently estimated to account for around 40 million Americans. ; Les relations entre Palestiniens et Américains sont souvent réduites à des considérations économiques et politiques. Pourtant, ces dernières ne suffisent pas à rendre compte des particularités de la relation entretenue entre les Etats-Unis, la Palestine et Israël. Cet article explore l'aspect religieux de ces relations, au travers d'une exploration du sionisme chrétien évangélique, qui pèserait aujourd'hui environ 40 millions d'Américains.

Titre du fascicule : Images littéraires de la société contemporaine Dans le livre d'Erri de Luca, Aceto arcobaleno, Milan, Feltrinelli, 1992, le personnage qui, le premier, vient raconter son histoire de violence et de sang au narrateur utilise une expression évangélique pour nommer le destin qui lui est échu. Il déclare que son sort était joué dès le jet de la première pierre : " nella mia prima pietra tirata era già incluso l'uccidere e l'essere ucciso " [p. 32]. Question brûlante pour une génération, celle qui, lors des années 68, à vingt ans, pensa la politique en terme d'affrontement et estima qu'il était légitime de dire sa colère et son désir de changement en lançant des pavés ou des sampietrini. Personne alors ne pensait à la phrase du Christ devant la femme adultère " que celui de vous qui est sans péché lui jette la première pierre " [Jean, 8, 7]. Quel sens donner à cette traduction dans les mots du fils de l'homme de ce qui était alors pensé dans les termes de la politique radicale ? C'est cette question que pose cet article, en l'insérant dans une réflexion historiographique sur les " années '68 ".

Summary This work analyses the mechanisms used by four sisters with the aim of applying for a licence to make rolls with the image of the Virgen of San Juan de los Lagos, which could be used as reliquas by pilgrims2. This request was made and drafted by the sisters Márquez: Gertrudis, Paula, Inés and Maria. The elements used by these women are to manage their gender role as a tool for obtaining a licence for the manufacture of panecites. In turn, these marks sought to earn some money, help to save pilgrims and bring them back to their places of origin; in short, to make a good common to the faiths of the image of the San Juan de los Lakes Virgen. ; Resumen Este trabajo analiza los mecanismos utilizados por cuatro hermanas con el objetivo de solicitar una licencia para fabricar panecillos con la imagen de la Virgen de San Juan de los Lagos, que pudieran ser utilizados como reliquias por los peregrinos2. Esta solicitud estuvo hecha y redactada por las hermanas Márquez: Gertrudis, Paula, Inés y María. Los elementos usados por estas mujeres consisten en manejar su rol de género como herramienta para obtener la licencia de fabricación de los panecitos. A su vez, estas señoritas buscaban ganar algo de dinero, contribuir a la salvación de los peregrinos y que estos llevaran una reliquia o recuerdo para sus lugares de origen; en resumen, realizar un bien común a los fieles de la imagen de la Virgen de San Juan de los Lagos.

Se trata a partir de la antropología feminista de reconstruir con otra mirada la historia a partir de dos momentos de inflexión en los cuales un sistema de principios y valores vitales, sensibles e intuitivos fue reemplazado por otro basado prioritariamente en la razón y la violencia. Escisión que trajo consigo el dominio y sojuzgamiento de la naturaleza, de hombres y pueblos considerados "inferiores" y particularmente de las mujeres, que pasaron a ser tenidas como propiedad privada y excluidas dentro del nuevo orden civilizatorio patriarcal. Sostiene que la expulsión de la mujer de la historia, la religión, las ciencias y las artes, provocó y provoca todavía un trauma social, cultural e individual en la psique de los seres humanos modernos. El artículo permite visualizar los símbolos originarios de un orden matricial latente todavía en el inconciente o imaginario ancestral, y las posibilidades que ofrece como sistema de principios y valores vitales para comprender, explicar y transformar el mundo desde un modelo de sociedad dialéctico, más solidario y creativo.

One of the main characteristics of today's democratic societies is their pluralism. As a result, liberal political philosophers often claim that the state should remain neutral with respect to different conceptions of the good. Legal and social policies should be acceptable to everyone regardless of their culture, their religion or their comprehensive moral views. One might think that this commitment to neutrality should be especially pronounced in urban centres, with their culturally diverse populations. However, there are a large number of laws and policies adopted at the municipal level that contradict the liberal principle of neutrality. In this paper, I want to suggest that these perfectionistlaws and policies are legitimate at the urban level. Specifically, I will argue that the principle of neutrality applies only indirectly to social institutions within the broader framework of the nation-state. This is clear in the case of voluntary associations, but to a certain extent this rationale applies also to cities. In a liberal regime, private associations are allowed to hold and defend perfectionist views, focused on a particular conception of the good life. One problem is to determine the limits of this perfectionism at the urban level, since cities, unlike private associations, are publicinstitutions. My aim here is therefore to give a liberal justification to a limited form of perfectionism of municipal laws and policies. ; Une caractéristique centrale des sociétés libérales démocratiques contemporaines est leur pluralisme. Conséquemment, les philosophes politiques libéraux affirment souvent que l'État devrait demeurer neutre face aux différentes conceptions du bien. Les lois et politiques sociales devraient être acceptables aux yeux de tous, peu importe leur culture, leur religion ou leurs valeurs morales. On pourrait croire que ce principe de neutralité devrait s'appliquer à plus fortes raisons dans les centres urbains, caractérisés par une population culturellement très diversifiée. Il existe pourtant ...

Communication présentée au colloque "Knowledge Unit, multiplicity of knowledge. Nature, history and religion in the work of Francesco Bianchini (1662-1729)', Vérone, 28-30 octobre 2004 A letter from Francesco Bianchini to the cardinal Gualtieri in January 1710 provides new data on the project of a museum of ecclesiastic history conceived by the famous scientist and eruted. It shows in particular that the Museum had to compare, with great political rigour, monuments of Rome pagana and Christian Rome in order to illustrate the passionate process from one to another, from ancient philosophy to Christian doctrine, and from the secular empire to the universal sovereignty of the Roman pontefice. ; Communication présentée au colloque "Unità del sapere, molteplicità dei saperi. Natura, storia e religione nell'opera di Francesco Bianchini (1662-1729)", Vérone, 28-30 octobre 2004 Una lettera indirizzata da Francesco Bianchini al cardinale Gualtieri nel gennaio 1710 fornisce dati nuovi sul progetto di Museo di storia ecclesiastica ideato dal famoso scienzato ed erudito. Dimostra in particolare che il Museo doveva mettere a confronto, con gran rigore programmatico, monumenti della Roma pagana e della Roma cristiana per illustrare il processo di passgio dall'una all' altra, dalla filosofia antica alla dottrina cristiana, e dall'impero secolare alla sovranità universale del pontefice romano. ; Communication présentée au colloque "Knowledge Unit, multiplicity of knowledge. Nature, history and religion in the work of Francesco Bianchini (1662-1729)', Vérone, 28-30 octobre 2004 A letter from Francesco Bianchini to the cardinal Gualtieri in January 1710 provides new data on the project of a museum of ecclesiastic history conceived by the famous scientist and eruted. It shows in particular that the Museum had to compare, with great political rigour, monuments of Rome pagana and Christian Rome in order to illustrate the passionate process from one to another, from ancient philosophy to Christian doctrine, and from the secular ...

International audience Taking Paul Mus's idea of a "cadastral religion" as part of the socio-religious organisationof the "Asian base" further, we propose approaching rituals linked to the territorialprosperity of groups living on the margins of state power in the Chinese and Indian worldsin a comparative way. These rituals are organised around the recurring schema of a forceof place, both natural and wild, which was pacified by a founding ancestor who, along withhis descendants, became the sacrificers representing the entire community—a schemathe details and variations of which we have analysed. By legitimising the occupation of aspace by one group and promoting its fertility, these rituals are where many interlockingstakes are crystallised. These involve the sources of subsistence and the legitimacy tooccupy a territory and also membership and power-play forms, both within the group andin its relations with its neighbours and the umbrella power centres.

Summary This essay aims to contribute to the contemporary debate around the historical legitimacy of the concepts of political and civil religion through an unusual path: analysing not the debate itself but the political reaffirmation of the concepts by historians Paul E. Gottfried and Enzo Traverso, who apply them to the post-marxist left and to the cult of the holocaust, respectively. The conclusion is that the concepts of political and civil religion, when used above all controversial, give rise to many of the historical flaws attributed to them by critics. However, updating its political potential can indicate significant historical mutations in the secularised world. ; Resumen Este ensayo pretende contribuir al debate contemporáneo en torno a la legitimidad historiográfica de los conceptos de religión política y religión civil por medio de una vía inusual: analizando no el debate en sí sino la reapropiación política de los conceptos por parte de los historiadores Paul E. Gottfried y Enzo Traverso, quienes los aplican a la izquierda posmarxista y al culto a la memoria del holocausto, respectivamente. La conclusión es que los conceptos de religión política y religión civil, cuando son usados de manera ante todo polémica, dan pie a muchos de los defectos historiográficos que sus críticos les atribuyen. Sin embargo, actualizar su potencial político nos puede indicar mutaciones históricas significativas del mundo secularizado.

Public religion functions in Rome — specifically sacra publica — are carried out by multiple figures. Magistrates — especially consuls — play a key role as rites actors but also because they bring together the Senate to discuss religious affairs and are thus at the origin of major religious initiatives and decisions. While they also celebrate certain festivals and assist magistrates in their religious functions, the priests of the major colleges have a specific competence in sacred law case law. ; Les fonctions liées à la religion publique à Rome – et plus précisément aux sacra publica – sont exercées par de multiples figures. Les magistrats – notamment les consuls – revêtent un rôle essentiel en tant qu'acteurs des rites mais aussi parce qu'ils réunissent le Sénat pour discuter des affaires religieuses et qu'ils sont ainsi à l'origine des grandes initiatives et décisions religieuses. S'ils célèbrent également certaines fêtes et assistent les magistrats dans leurs fonctions religieuses, les prêtres des collèges majeurs exercent quant à eux une compétence spécifique au niveau de la jurisprudence en droit sacré.

110 128 11 1 ; S ; [EN] The period of more three centuries during the Colonial period the catholic religion was only authorized, putting under an obligation to the conversion to whom he was practising different one. One of the affected groups was the indigenous people, between others. The Imperial Constitution of 1824 allowed the practice of other different worships from the Catholic. The Federal Constitution of 1891 guaranteed the religious freedom. Nowadays, the Constitution of 1988 establishes the religious freedom as fundamental right. In the present work is to be performed, following the analytical methodology, an evolution of religious freedom in Brazil, in order to establish the differences and similarities of constitutional regulation of the same. ; [ES] El periodo de más de tres siglos durante el período Colonial la religión católica era la única autorizada, obligándose a la conversión a quien profesara una distinta. Uno de los colectivos afectados fue el pueblo indígena, entre otros. La Constitución Imperial de 1824 permitió la práctica de otros cultos diferente al católico. La Constitución Federal de 1891 garantizó la libertad religiosa. Actualmente, la Constitución de 1988 establece la libertad religiosa como derecho fundamental. En el presente trabajo se va a realizar, siguiendo la metodología analítica, una evolución de la libertad religiosa en Brasil, con la finalidad de establecer las diferencias y similitudes de la regulación constitucional de la misma Trabajo realizado en el marco del Proyecto I+D Excelencia MINECO DER2015- 65810-P (2016-2018). Investigador Principal el Dr. D. Lorenzo Cotino Hueso, Catedrático acreditado de Derecho constitucional, Universitat de València-Estudi General, del Proyecto MINECO (DER2013-4256R), siendo los Investigadores Principales la Dra. Dª. Luz María Martínez Velencoso, Profesora Titular de Derecho civil, Universitat de València-Estudi General, y el Dr. D. Javier Plaza Penadés, Catedrático de Derecho civil, Universitat de València-Estudi General, y Proyecto ...