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In this work, I try to reconstruct Levinas' reading of Hegel and his destruction of violence (an enemies and war), using the texts of Franz Rosenzweig about Hegelo's State and Derridino interpreting various attributes of violence at Emmanuel Levinas. I am an intersecting classification of some types of violence from different times of Hegelov's life and their traces in Levinas, starting with the words 'Liberté et commandement' from 1953. An analysis of Hegel's famous analogy from his Rechtsphilosophie on sovereignty and organism, namely the reading of some of the paragraphs of his Naturphilosophie, must explain the relationship between totality and violence, as well as Levinas' 'ontology as allergology' or Derridin autoimunology. ; U ovom radu pokušavam da rekonstruišem Levinasovo čitanje Hegela i njegovo razumevanje nasilja (neprijatelja i rata), služeći se tekstovima Franza Rosenzweiga o Hegelovoj državi i Derridinom interpretacijom različitih atributa nasilja kod Emmanuel Levinasa. Interesovaće me klasifikacija nekih figura nasilja iz različitih perioda Hegelovog života i njihovi tragovi u Levinasovim tekstovima počevši od teksta "Liberté et commandement" iz 1953. godine. Analiza slavne Hegelove analogije iz njegove Rechtsphilosophie o suverenosti i organizmu, odnosno čitanje nekih paragrafa njegove Naturphilosophie, treba da objasne vezu izmeðu totaliteta i nasilja, kao i Levinasovu "ontologiju kao alergologiju" odnosno Derridinu autoimunologiju.

The article demonstrates how Library of Congress Subject Headings (LCSH) geographic headings for the Southern Levant mirror the political investment of Congress and the American public in Middle East politics over the last thirty years. The headings' evolution as well as Library of Congress rules governing their creation is charted in detail. These LCSH headings contrast markedly with those established in other national libraries (BnF, DNB) and independent value vocabularies (TGN, GeoNames), and global opinion regarding the legal status of the occupied territories. I sketch the historical context of their formation and offer suggestions as to how libraries can "decolonize" their metadata in service of Sanford Berman's "access and equity."

This work includes the history of Argentinian mapping policy based on four operations: imagine, measure, represent and reproduce the territory. Imagine, because the actors responsible for the production of geographical information imagined a national territory that was reflected in its mapping according to their expectations. One of the distinctive features of that imagination was the recurrent inclusion of spaces in which the State claimed sovereignty but did not have it effectively. Measure, because that imaginary representation of the territory was based on a programme of land curtailment which had no history and the results of which gave scientific arguments to support the territorial claims of the State. Represent, because mapping practices were conceived as strategies for scientific representation of the territory and, in that sense, were subject to criteria of legitimacy and validity in their production contexts. Replication because the image of the territory which resulted from those operations also served to spread a type of territorial policy of the State. This work, while analysing the cartographic productions of other organisations involved in the consolidation of the territory, focuses on the production carried out by the Military Geographic Institute, as this body launched Argentina's mapping cycle. Table of contents: Introduction — Chapter I — I.1. Presentation — I.2. Keys to rethink mapping — Chapter II — II.1. The nineteenth century military topographic offices — II.2. The topographic campaigns shall: new mapping methodologies — II.3. A new profession: State Cartographers — Chapter III — III.1. The Charter of the Republic: "the battle of the method" — III.2. Four building blocks for the plan: science, boundary, management and education — Chapter IV — IV.1. The uprisings: a selective look — IV.2. Alternative projects: the urgency of a map — IV.3. The boundaries of the original plan: redefining the Charter Plan and adapting it to national realities — IV.3.4. Topographical work: accelerating ...

International audience It is often considered probable that the recent rise of vigilante groups in Nigeria means an erosion of the state monopoly of legitimate violence as well as a marked decline in state sovereignty over the national territory. However, this conclusion does not take into consideration the fact that in Nigeria 'vigilante' is a term initially proposed by the police in the mid-1980s as a substitute for an older practice known in the western part of the country since the colonial period as the 'hunter guard' or 'night guard' system. Hence, instead of looking at vigilante groups as a response to a supposed increase in crime or a supposed decline of the police force, we should consider them - initially at least - as a first attempt to introduce forms of community policing in order to improve the appalling image of the police. As such, in south-western Nigeria 'vigilante' is a new name for an old practice of policing that should be considered in an extended timeframe (from the 1930s onward), a period in which violent crime has been perceived as a potential danger. Finally, within the ongoing debate on the 'privatization of the state' in Africa, non-state policing in Nigeria testifies to a continuum existing since the colonial period rather than to the appearance of new phenomena in the 1980s or the 1990s.

In this article we are dedicated to linking the main features of South American countries' defence policy to the international and national conditions faced by the social forces driving states. In this regard, we would highlight the existence of heteronoma regional integration, which is expressed in the absence of a regional defence policy that attempts to position subcontinent states at other levels of international policy. We recognise, in turn, that there are three different situations. On the one hand, states that are fighting the insurgency, such as Colombia and to a lesser extent Peru. On the other hand, we envisaged the situation of states that are slow in pushing for a strategy to conquer sovereignty, as is the case in Brazil and Venezuela. Finally, we find the other South American states whose defence policy is in tension between being an auxiliary force of the powers in international missions and pushing their staff towards 'internal' security functions. Note from the authors: When the text was uploaded there was an error in the edition. When entering the article, the text appears but with another title. We write to the publishers to correct this error. Faculty of Humanities and Sciences of Education National Council for Scientific and Technical Research ; En el presente artículo nos dedicamos a relacionar las principales características de la política de defensa de los países de Sudamérica con las condiciones internacionales y nacionales que afrontan las fuerzas sociales que conducen los Estados. En este sentido, destacamos la existencia de una integración regional heterónoma, que se expresa en la carencia de una política regional de defensa que intente posicionar a los Estados del subcontinente en otros planos de la política internacional. Reconocemos, a su vez, que existen tres situaciones diferentes. Por una parte Estados que se encuentran combatiendo a la insurgencia, como Colombia y en menor medida Perú. Por otra contemplamos la situación de Estados que llevan a cabo una lenta pugna por darse una ...

International audience At the beginning of the 19th century, the dynamism of the old southwestern frontier put the Five Civilized Tribes (Choctaw, Chickasaw, Seminole, Creek and Cherokee) in the position of active participants in the making of the Early Republic due to their outstanding integration in the commercial and cultural exchanges with whites in the region. This phenomenon results from the fact that the Natives voluntarily adapted to American standards in order to ensure their integration within the American nation state and to preserve their sovereignty on their tribal lands. As it was in line with what settlers considered as « civilization », this transition from a traditional Indian society to a hybrid entity seemed to grant the Five Civilized Tribes a certain degree of legitimacy in the region. However, their removal west of the Mississippi enacted in 1830 proved that such was not the case. Yet, the creation of the Indian Territory, where the Five Tribes were forced to settle, seemed to give those « Americanized » Natives the opportunity to assume a position of strength in the West since it placed them in a central geopolitical position in the nineteenth century American landscape. This paper studies the role of Native women in this transformation of Indian identity before and after Removal. It will analyze how they modified the codes of Indian womanhood and femininity, using acculturation as a means to resist. ; Au début du XIXe siècle, le dynamisme tout particulier de la frontière du Vieux Sud-Ouest (Géorgie, Caroline du Sud et Tennessee) confère aux cinq nations dites « civilisées » (Choctaw, Chickasaw, Séminole, Creek et Cherokee) le statut d'agents actifs dans la construction de la jeune République, du fait de leur intégration exceptionnelle dans le tissu commercial et culturel de la région. Cela est dû notamment à une volonté autochtone d'entamer un processus d'adaptation aux standards civilisationnels américains, afin de garantir leur intégration dans la république et de maintenir leur ...

national hearing Article published in Historama under the heading 'One century before the UNO, the Sainte Alliance' (1986) Origin, Content, Application. ; National audience Article publié dans Historama sous le titre « Un siècle avant l'O.N.U., la Sainte Alliance » (1986)Origine, contenu, application.

Resumen Desde fines de 2018 el gobierno despliega acciones para superar la crisis estructural del sector energético que aqueja a la economía; rescatar al sector y erradicar la corrupción forman parte de esas acciones. Sin embargo, no se dispone aún de una estrategia de largo plazo que incorpore el tránsito mundial hacia un nuevo paradigma energético sustentable, en proceso de construcción y que en lo interno tome en cuenta la inviabilidad de un pretendido desarrollo cimentado en el ahora menguado potencial petrolero. Ventilar y articular esas realidades con la superación de la crisis es necesario y urgente. Pero también converge con la aspiración de un Estado democrático, como el actual, que aspira a reivindicar la soberanía de la nación sobre sus recursos naturales.

In order to collect their tax revenues, States may use third party sovereigns where the taxpayer does not have sufficient assets in the territory. While administrative recovery assistance potentially affects all States, it remains a mechanism for difficult legislative developments. In addition, its implementation is at odds with the territorial sovereignty of the requested State. The development of this collaboration bilaterally or multilaterally reinforces the practical importance of these mechanisms even though many obstacles remain. ; International audience To collect their tax revenues, states can operate third-party sovereignties when the taxpayer does not have enough assets in the territory. While administrative recovery assistance potentially covers all States, it remains a mechanism for difficult normative developments. Moreover, its implementation confronts the territorial sovereignty of the requested State. The development of this collaboration bilaterally or multilaterally reinforces the practical importance of these mechanisms, although many obstacles remain ; In order to collect their tax revenues, States may use third party sovereigns where the taxpayer does not have sufficient assets in the territory. While administrative recovery assistance potentially affects all States, it remains a mechanism for difficult legislative developments. In addition, its implementation is at odds with the territorial sovereignty of the requested State. The development of this collaboration bilaterally or multilaterally reinforces the practical importance of these mechanisms even though many obstacles remain. ; Pour percevoir leurs recettes fiscales, les États peuvent actionner des souverainetés tierces lorsque le contribuable ne possède pas suffisamment d'actifs sur le territoire. Si l'assistance administrative au recouvrement concerne potentiellement l'ensemble des États, elle demeure un mécanisme aux développements normatifs difficiles. De plus, sa mise en oeuvre se confronte à la souveraineté territoriale de ...

Abstract This article argues for the fundamental importance of 'evil-naming' as a constitutive operation of modern political discourse. To achieve this goal the article first draws attention to how global, and seemingly consensual, institutional and public discourses have defined the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) as a contemporary form of 'evil' and how the internatio­nal community has conceived of its engagement with this entity. Based on this analysis and on insights from the history of early-modern struggles against pirates and 'enemies of mankind', the article shows that political modernity has less failed to erase the 'archaic' practice of evil-na­ming than constantly relied on it. To make this claim, the article identifies discursive patterns and practical effects of evil-naming and draws out the ambivalent relationship between evil-na­ming and sovereignty and security as cornerstones of political modernity. The article concludes by engaging with the question of whether and to what extent the concept of evil can be criti­qued and dismissed as some scholars have argued.

the article is based on Jean-Paul's comment in reply to the work of two British researchers on the privatisation of the "high police" (or intelligence police). On the basis of empirical work carried out in France, it discusses the knowledge of the diversity of clients in private security agencies and the internal safety services of sensitive companies that can call on their services. He argues on the delicate nature of the hypothesis of privatisation of information held by the various intelligence agencies of the State, which is an attribute of sovereignty which has not actually been committed. The revolution that would convert the cost of public intelligence (military or police) protecting the institutions into a price to be paid to private intelligence protecting the security of the company and its clients has not really started. However, some assumptions can be identified among the so-called "economic intelligence agencies", although most of their contracts are linked to the arms industries controlled by the headquarters of the Ministry of Defence. ; International audience ; the article is based on Jean-Paul's comment in reply to the work of two British researchers on the privatisation of the "high police" (or intelligence police). On the basis of empirical work carried out in France, it discusses the knowledge of the diversity of clients in private security agencies and the internal safety services of sensitive companies that can call on their services. He argues on the delicate nature of the hypothesis of privatisation of information held by the various intelligence agencies of the State, which is an attribute of sovereignty which has not actually been committed. The revolution that would convert the cost of public intelligence (military or police) protecting the institutions into a price to be paid to private intelligence protecting the security of the company and its clients has not really started. However, some assumptions can be identified among the so-called "economic intelligence agencies", although ...

Ist die Rolle der Geschäftsführerin für eine zudem auch noch ausländische Frau gleichbedeutend mit Emanzipation? Einige Antworten auf diese Frage bietet eine Untersuchung die von der Art und Weise handelt mit der sich die Frauen in die Welt der kleinen Unternehmen in Paris zwischen den beiden Weltkriegen eingliedern. In diesem Artikel geht es insbesondere darum die Wichtigkeit der Rolle der Frauen in der Welt der Boutiquen und der Ateliers herauszustellen. Sie stellten oft einen unentbehrlichen Teil der Aktivität dar und blieben nichtsdestotrotz in den administrativen Quellen meistens unerwähnt. Die Realisierung einer Studie über die Unabhängigkeit von Frauen impliziert deshalb auch sich für das Verhältnis zwischen deren wirtschaftlicher und familiärer Rolle zu interessieren. Im Weiteren beinhaltet ein Inter-esse für die Welt der kleinen ausländischen Unternehmen die Frage nach der Stellung der Geschäftsfrauen innerhalb der beruflichen, urbanen und wirtschaftlichen Strategien der Immigranten. ; International audience Does being the "boss" result in emancipation for a woman and a foreigner? The study of immigrant women's part-taking in Parisian small companies between the two World Wars provides a few answers to this question. His article states the importance of women's involvement in the world of shops and workshops, an involvement that often proved vital to the activity itself, although there is no evidence of it in administrative records. To carry a survey of women in the world of independence questions the links between the economic and the family spheres. Furthermore, observing small foreign companies becomes quite complex when one takes into account the position of women enterpreneurs within the professional, urban and economic strategies of immigrants. ; Le rôle de "patronne" d'entreprise est-il synonyme, pour une femme, et qui plus est, pour une étrangère, d'émancipation ? L'étude des formes de participation des femmes immigrantes au monde de la petite entreprise parisienne dans l'entre-deux-guerres ...

Acts of the Colloque "Standards and Local Authorities" University of NîmesLaily 25 May 2013 The reflection we present today aims to assess the degree of autonomy of local and regional authorities in relation to state sovereignty using the various tools offered by economic theory ; Actes du Colloque « Normes et collectivités territoriales »Université de NîmesLundi 25 mai 2013 La réflexion que nous présentons aujourd'hui vise à évaluer le degré d'autonomie des collectivités territoriales par rapport à la souveraineté étatique en utilisant les différents outils proposés par la théorie économique

Peer reviewed ; This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Regional & Federal Studies on 2007, available online: https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=frfs20 Europeanization can be regarded as a process that finds expression in the gradual redefinition of state sovereignty and the development of supranational common institutions (e.g. Agreement of Schengen, Court of Justice, Euro currency). In parallel, territorial subsidiarity seeks to provide for a greater sub-state say in areas of social policy making, often linked to cultural or identity considerations. This article deals with welfare development in the European social model in contemporary times. While a paradigm shift in macro-economic policies has allowed for monetary centralization and a growing matching of EU internal 'open' markets, the quest for the decentralization of welfare programmes has also aimed at meeting demands for policy innovation and a more effective management. Allegedly, welfare provision by sub-state diversity may affect collective solidarity and redistribution. The emergence of new social risks and the role played by the mesogovernments in welfare reform in Europe are also subject to analysis and discussion in this article. The author is also grateful to the WRAMSOC project ('Welfare Reform and the Management of the Societal Change', European FP5) and the NURSOPOB project ('New Social Risks and Welfare Policy Trajectories', Spanish National R&D Plan, SEJ2005-06599), for making use of some of the findings produced during the period 2002-2007.

The value of the 'Royal bath' (fandroana) Dependent exchanges and sovereignty in the Kingdom of Madagascar in the nineteenth century 'The sovereign inherits power, the people inherited from service' Ny Andriana mandova fanjakana, ny vahoaka mandova fanompoana 1 ; International audience ; The value of the 'Royal bath' (fandroana) Dependent exchanges and sovereignty in the Kingdom of Madagascar in the nineteenth century 'The sovereign inherits power, the people inherited from service' Ny Andriana mandova fanjakana, ny vahoaka mandova fanompoana 1 ; La valeur du « bain royal » (fandroana) Échanges tributaires et souveraineté dans le Royaume de Madagascar au XIX e siècle « Le souverain hérite du pouvoir, le peuple hérite du service » Ny andriana mandova fanjakana, ny vahoaka mandova fanompoana 1