Wild animals function in specific ecosystems, contribute to maintaining biological balance and their legal protection dates back to antiquity. Doubts about the legal nature of free-living animals existed long before the principle of dereification appeared in Polish legislation. Judicature took the position that although animals cannot be denied the attribute of material goods, they are not things. Acceptance of such an assumption led to the conclusion that neither the state nor any other entity has the right of ownership to animals. This was justified by the lack of possibility to subject free-living animals to human authority. The problem of legal protection of free-living animals as a part of substantive administrative law has been regulated in a number of acts of international, European and national law. The types and objectives of the protection of free-living animals and the methods of protection of endangered species are diverse. ; Zwierzęta dzikie funkcjonują w określonych ekosystemach, sprzyjają zachowaniu równowagi biologicznej, a ich prawna ochrona sięga starożytności. Wątpliwości co do charakteru prawnego zwierząt wolno żyjących istniały na długo przed pojawieniem się w polskim prawodawstwie zasady dereifikacji. Judykatura stanęła na stanowisku, że choć zwierzętom nie można odmówić przymiotu dóbr materialnych, nie są one rzeczami. Przyjęcie takiego założenia prowadziło do wniosku, że prawo własności zwierząt nie przysługuje ani państwu, ani żadnemu innemu podmiotowi. Uzasadniano to brakiem możliwości poddania zwierzęcia wolno żyjącego władztwu człowieka. Problematyka prawnej ochrony zwierząt wolno żyjących, stanowiąca część materialnego prawa administracyjnego, uregulowana została w szeregu aktów prawa międzynarodowego, europejskiego i krajowego. Rodzaje i cele ochrony zwierząt wolno żyjących oraz metody ochrony gatunków zagrożonych są zróżnicowane.
The chief purpose of BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, and Voice of America in the Context of International Communication: From Propaganda to Public Diplomacy is to analyse the role radio stations fulfil for international communication nowadays in the light of the roles they served in the past (that is, the times when radio dominated). During the interwar period and right before World War II, new radio stations came to being that aimed at broadcasting content targeted at the listeners abroad. Initially, these radio stations were transmitting mostly official messages or functioning as private point-to-point communication; in both cases, they functioned similarly to telegraphs (assuming one addresser and one addressee). Along with not only the development of the transmitting and receiving devices but also the widening of our knowledge on radio waves, radio turned into a mass medium, thanks to various "freaks," including investors and other radio lovers. Having access to the network of correspondents and a powerful radio signal, radio stations back then were able to provide live coverage of the events that interested listeners all around the globe. The capacities of radio were significant during World War II as well; precisely, it ceased to serve communication purposes exclusively, and was included into military arsenal (used not only in operations and diversion actions, but also for jamming and scouting). This military conflict showed that the possibility of reaching listeners abroad – that is, the citizens of adversary, allied, and neutral states – had been of enormous importance, whereas the ability of shaping the opinions of foreign citizens had become a crucial part of contemporary warfare. The relevance of radio for international communication was indisputable also during the Cold War. Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty, Voice of America, BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, Deutsche Welle, Radio Madrid, Radio Moskwa, and Radio China International were fundamentally engaged in both ideological war and public diplomacy. Simultaneously, various international processes changed the position radio occupied among other media; the "Golden Age of Radio" reached a significant decline in the 1950s, when the dominance of radio gave way to the advent of television, whereas from late 1990s on the situation of all media was revolutionised by the birth of the Internet. As a result, digitalisation, convergence, shifts in reception and use of media – not to mention other broader phenomena, including the dominance of audiovisual culture – affected not only listeners and their preferences (inclining to fragmented radio programmes), but also ratings and marketability of radio stations. Finally, since political communication has privileged the audiovisual paradigm, and domestic policy has gradually become a media issue, radio has withdrawn in this area as well, giving primacy to television and new media. Because of the aforementioned factors and shifts, it becomes vital to carefully reconsider the contemporary and international status of radio. After all, one might be tempted to think that radio is no longer in its heyday, whereas both governments and individual listeners do not deem it as a genuine informative medium or a means capable of reaching the foreign public opinion. This book, therefore, explores how Radio France Internationale, Voice of America, and BBC World Service changed diachronically in reference to other radio stations alike, points to rules they follow and formats their programmes take, and analyses their recent activity in international communication between 2014 and 2018. Chapter 1 introduces theoretical vocabulary international communication relies on, and juxtaposes its various definitions with related cultural phenomena, including transcultural communication, political communication, propaganda, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, media diplomacy, and soft power. Aside from analysing these concepts, this chapter also proposes an innovative definition of international communication and its graphic model. Chapter 2 is diachronic, and it focuses on the discovery of radio waves and the invention of radio read from the technical perspective, which determines the position of radio for international communication. Moreover, the early forms of radio are recalled with regard to their significance for foreign communication. Finally, the development of radio and broadcasting in France, United Kingdom, and the USA is presented with an emphasis put on the differences between their broadcasting models. Chapter 3 is devoted to the development of international broadcasting, dividing it into three stages: 1) the early 20th century (until the 1930s), when radio waves were being tested, the first experimental stations came to being, and first international radio stations were founded, including those in Nauen and Zessen (Germany), Sainte-Assise and Le Post Colonial (France), Eindhoven and Heuzen (Netherlands), Chelmsford (United Kingdom); 2) the World War II period, in which the uses of radio for international military communication are analysed in reference to propaganda radio stations (Radio Berlin, Radio Hamburg, Radio Stuttgart, Radio Tokio) and its prominent figures (William Joyce ("Lord Haw-Haw"), Paul Ferdonnet ("the Stuttgart Traitor"), Mildred Gillars ("Axis Sally"), Ive Togure ("Tokyo Rose")), British pirate radio stations functioning in response to the Axis propaganda (for instance, Gustav Siegfried Eins), the radio stations of French Resistance with a special emphasis put on Radio Brazzaville, that is, Charles de Gaulle's chief means of international communication, and, finally, Voice of America serving for public diplomacy purposes; 3) the Cold War period, in which the objectives, assumptions, and strategies of international broadcasting posed by France, United Kingdom, the United States of America between 1945 and late 1980s are examined. The last chapter is entirely dedicated to BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale and Voice of America nowadays, paying attention to their regulations, structures, and broadcasting services. These radio stations are understood as means used for public diplomacy of their countries, and their institutional and formal connections to government institutions are discussed. Consequently, this comparative chapter refers to the legal contexts, supported by acts and regulations of a given country, presents the principles and levels of funding, reconstructs the institutional positions of radio among other media, and characterises broadcasting in terms of services, directions, and programmes. The analysis of contemporary strategies and activities of the discussed radio stations makes it possible to claim that the use of radio for international communication has not lost its relevance, and currently is supported with television and the Internet, that is, the media that were invented later in the course of historical progress. Radio stations, therefore, are not held in media bubbles; rather, they are still significant means of foreign communication because of their specificities. Furthermore, radio communication complies with strategic foreign policies, which affects various parts of the world where levels of technological development diverge whilst the access to television or the Internet connection is not available. In the countries stricken with military conflicts or poverty, radio is still the predominant means of communication that serves numerous purposes; not only is it a source of information on military operations, epidemiological situations, climate and natural disasters, but also it educates its listeners on civil and human rights, especially women's rights. Finally, Voice of America, BBC World Service, and Radio France Internationale support policies against extremism and propaganda (for instance, fake news). The services of the discussed radio stations are related to the policies the United States of America, United Kingdom, and France put forward against ISIL and international terrorism, but also to those actions that support democratic changes in the countries affected by war and political unrest.
The social protests in the Middle East states (including Egypt) – so called Arab Spring – were a great shock for international community. The most popular slogans among the Arab protesters were the slogans of freedom, respect for human and civil rights but the real reasons for the mass social opposition were deep social problems, especially demographic and economic ones, which could not stay unsolved no longer. Since 2004 Egyptian authorities began to initiate the process of reforms due to liberate the Egyptian economy. They were welcomed with great applause by the international institutions and especially by the European Union. The western states however did not take into account the fact that this process had some negative impact on the condition of life of average Egyptian and included the social problems in their directives very rarely. This article is an attempt to examine if the cooperation between Egypt and European Union which in the past few decades tries to develop the partnership with all MENA states was effective and if there are the chances to strengthen it in the future, especially in the context of still changing situation in the region. One year since the beginning of Arab Spring is definitely too early for categorical evaluations of EU reaction to the changing partnership however past EU politics towards Egypt was not effective. The first reactions were only rhetorical. Past few months Brussels presented more concrete programs and the packages of support for Egypt and other MENA states. What is important, these propositions included not only the question of economic growth but also the problem of social reforms and development. Arab Spring is still the chance for EU to reformulate its politics towards Egypt but particularly important is the proper coordination of European support for Egyptian reforms.
Guaranteeing the availability of European labour markets constituted a very important element of the Polish foreign policy during the negotiation of conditions under which Poland would become a member of the European Union. At the time of the Polish accession, Poles as citizens of United Europe gained the right to take up legal work in other Member States. This opportunity was taken by Polish young people – "thirdgeneration emigrants" tempted by better earnings and prospects for the future. The proposed text is an attempt to capture migrants' reality in the context of adaptative difficulties experienced by migrants with regard to globalisation-related transformations and the construct of a global teenager. The research results were obtained from two research projects carried out: (1) a research project carried out under the promotional grant in the years 2008-2012 (National Center for Science in Krakow – NN 106 348 140 (grant manager: Prof. Magdalena Piorunek, PhD) under the title: 'Polish emigration and reemigration as an experience. Sociological and pedagogical aspect', the results of which have been published in: Kozielska J., (2014) Post-accession migration. The theoretical and empirical context. Social support. The research sample in the quantitative analysis consisted of 174 persons who emigrated for at least one year and stayed in Poland for at least 6 months from the time of their return to the time of the research. The sample was targeted, and the target group consisted of return emigrants who emigrated during the pre-accession period and decided to stay in a European state rather than a "traditional" country of migration like the United States of America. The quantitative research was supplemented with a qualitative analysis of texts derived from hermeneutic methods, which included online forums (created by and for emigrants, both those who are still abroad and those who are planning to return or have already returned to Poland) and blogs containing fragments of emigrants' biographies; (2) a research project carried out in London and Scotland under the POSTDOC scholarship of the Adam Mickiewicz University "Unique Graduate = Opportunities. An increase in the didactic potential of the Adam Mickiewicz University through proinnovative education in English, interdisciplinariness, e-learning, investment in human resources" under the title: 'Transnational biographical counselling. A paradigm of qualitative research. An in-depth interview – 15 families with children (aged between 3 and 13 years) (2015-2017)'.
Artykuł odwołuje się w swojej analizie do postrzegania wartości Unii Europejskiej z perspektywy człowieka jako dobra najwyższego w kontekście zmian medialnych oraz protestów kobiet w Polsce pod koniec 2020 roku oraz społecznej aktywności demonstrującej przywiązanie Polaków do UE. Na początku trzeciej dekady XXI wieku istotnymi wartościami, podkreślanymi w przestrzeni publicznej są: dobro jednostek, wolność wypowiadania swoich poglądów, równość polityczna, społeczna oraz ekonomiczna dotycząca wszystkich, niezależnie od rasy, płci, orientacji seksualnej, kultury, religii, sympatii politycznych. Są one podstawą funkcjonowania wspólnoty ludzkiej w tym UE. Przestrzenią do obrony tych wartości, stały się nowe media w tym niezwykle istotne media społecznościowe. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest praktyczna analiza, styku wartości o tradycyjnym, humanistycznym znaczeniu takich, jak kultura słowa oraz debaty publicznej z walką o wolność manifestowania swoich poglądów oraz obrony wartości przy użyciu nowych mediów. Co wbrew pozorom nie jest sprzeczne. Język protestu młodego pokolenia, nie jest poprawny, sięga do wulgaryzmów, ponieważ bardzo często jest to nie tylko zmiana pokoleniowa, lecz odpowiedź na język polityki i polityków. Polem do analizy jest spór polityczno-ideologiczny wywołany na polskiej scenie politycznej. Analiza na gruncie badań politologicznych oraz nauki o mediach, oparta została na badaniu źródeł zarówno literatury naukowej, jak i Internetu oraz mediów społecznościowych. Studium przypadku są wydarzenia związane z protestem kobiet w Polsce oraz innymi wystąpieniami przeciwko polityce rządu. Charakter mediów społecznościowych powoduje, iż nie funkcjonuje w nich cenzura, jakakolwiek kontrola form wyrazu oraz treści. Jest to praktyczna realizacja wolności i prawa do wyrażania swoich poglądów oraz protestu. Taka forma wolności prowadzi do wulgaryzacji życia publicznego. Niejednokrotnie wulgaryzacja, słowna, gesty, symbole i ich użycie mają swoje źródła w obserwacji życia politycznego. Zdaniem autorów, ta forma wyrażania myśli, w tym również służąca obronie podstawowych społecznych wartości wymaga przedefiniowania i zrozumienia kontekstów kulturowych. ; The article refers in its analysis to the perception of the values of the European Union from the human perspective as the highest good in the context of media changes and women's protests in Poland at the end of 2020 and social activity demonstrating Poles' attachment to the EU. At the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century, the important values emphasized in the public space are: the good of individuals, freedom of expression, political, social and economic equality concerning everyone, regardless of race, gender, sexual orientation, culture, religion, political sympathies. They are the basis for the functioning of the human community in this EU. New media, including extremely important social media, have become a space to defend these values. The aim of this article is a practical analysis of the intersection of values with a traditional humanistic meaning, such as the culture of speech and public debate, with the struggle for the freedom to express one's views and defend values using new media. Contrary to appearances, it is not contradictory. The language of protest of the young generation is not correct, it reaches to profanity, because very often it is not only a generational change, but a response to the language of politics and politicians. The field for analysis is the political and ideological dispute sparked on the Polish political scene. Analysis based on political science research and media science was based on researching the sources of both scientific literatures, the Internet and social media. The case studies are related to the women's protest in Poland and other protests against government policy. Due to the nature of social media, there is no censorship, no control of forms of expression and content. It is a practical realization of the freedom and the right to express one's views and protest. This form of freedom leads to a vulgarization of public life. Often, vulgarity, verbal, gestures, symbols and their use have their source in the observation of political life. According to the authors, this form of expressing thoughts, including the one serving to defend basic social values, requires redefining and understanding cultural contexts.
Artykuł odwołuje się w swojej analizie do postrzegania wartości Unii Europejskiej z perspektywy człowieka jako dobra najwyższego w kontekście zmian medialnych oraz protestów kobiet w Polsce pod koniec 2020 roku oraz społecznej aktywności demonstrującej przywiązanie Polaków do UE. Na początku trzeciej dekady XXI wieku istotnymi wartościami, podkreślanymi w przestrzeni publicznej są: dobro jednostek, wolność wypowiadania swoich poglądów, równość polityczna, społeczna oraz ekonomiczna dotycząca wszystkich, niezależnie od rasy, płci, orientacji seksualnej, kultury, religii, sympatii politycznych. Są one podstawą funkcjonowania wspólnoty ludzkiej w tym UE. Przestrzenią do obrony tych wartości, stały się nowe media w tym niezwykle istotne media społecznościowe. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest praktyczna analiza, styku wartości o tradycyjnym, humanistycznym znaczeniu takich, jak kultura słowa oraz debaty publicznej z walką o wolność manifestowania swoich poglądów oraz obrony wartości przy użyciu nowych mediów. Co wbrew pozorom nie jest sprzeczne. Język protestu młodego pokolenia, nie jest poprawny, sięga do wulgaryzmów, ponieważ bardzo często jest to nie tylko zmiana pokoleniowa, lecz odpowiedź na język polityki i polityków. Polem do analizy jest spór polityczno-ideologiczny wywołany na polskiej scenie politycznej. Analiza na gruncie badań politologicznych oraz nauki o mediach, oparta została na badaniu źródeł zarówno literatury naukowej, jak i Internetu oraz mediów społecznościowych. Studium przypadku są wydarzenia związane z protestem kobiet w Polsce oraz innymi wystąpieniami przeciwko polityce rządu. Charakter mediów społecznościowych powoduje, iż nie funkcjonuje w nich cenzura, jakakolwiek kontrola form wyrazu oraz treści. Jest to praktyczna realizacja wolności i prawa do wyrażania swoich poglądów oraz protestu. Taka forma wolności prowadzi do wulgaryzacji życia publicznego. Niejednokrotnie wulgaryzacja, słowna, gesty, symbole i ich użycie mają swoje źródła w obserwacji życia politycznego. Zdaniem autorów, ta forma wyrażania myśli, w tym również służąca obronie podstawowych społecznych wartości wymaga przedefiniowania i zrozumienia kontekstów kulturowych. ; The article refers in its analysis to the perception of the values of the European Union from the human perspective as the highest good in the context of media changes and women's protests in Poland at the end of 2020 and social activity demonstrating Poles' attachment to the EU. At the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century, the important values emphasized in the public space are: the good of individuals, freedom of expression, political, social and economic equality concerning everyone, regardless of race, gender, sexual orientation, culture, religion, political sympathies. They are the basis for the functioning of the human community in this EU. New media, including extremely important social media, have become a space to defend these values. The aim of this article is a practical analysis of the intersection of values with a traditional humanistic meaning, such as the culture of speech and public debate, with the struggle for the freedom to express one's views and defend values using new media. Contrary to appearances, it is not contradictory. The language of protest of the young generation is not correct, it reaches to profanity, because very often it is not only a generational change, but a response to the language of politics and politicians. The field for analysis is the political and ideological dispute sparked on the Polish political scene. Analysis based on political science research and media science was based on researching the sources of both scientific literatures, the Internet and social media. The case studies are related to the women's protest in Poland and other protests against government policy. Due to the nature of social media, there is no censorship, no control of forms of expression and content. It is a practical realization of the freedom and the right to express one's views and protest. This form of freedom leads to a vulgarization of public life. Often, vulgarity, verbal, gestures, symbols and their use have their source in the observation of political life. According to the authors, this form of expressing thoughts, including the one serving to defend basic social values, requires redefining and understanding cultural contexts.
W roku 25-lecia przemian w wolności i demokracji chcę ogłosić: W Polsce zakończyła się właśnie transformacja systemowa! Dokonaliśmy gruntownych zmian, zmieniliśmy nawet epokę. Dlatego powinniśmy oficjalnie zamknąć okres transformacji i ogłosić czas państwa dojrzałej demokracji oraz okrzepłej gospodarki. Niech ten rok jubileuszowy będzie symboliczną cezurą pomiędzy etapem burzenia i budowania a etapem urządzania i rozwoju. Niech to będzie nowy złoty wiek Rzeczypospolitej! ; In the year of the 25th anniversary of the transformation of the political system and of the struggle for freedom and democracy in Poland I wish to announce the end of systemic change in our country! The transformation that we undertook and implemented has been thorough and radical, even epoch-making. Therefore, the time has now come to close the period of change officially and to present the Polish State as a mature democracy and with a fully-fledged economy. Let this jubilee year be a symbolic watershed between the previous phase of destruction and construction, and the current phase of establishment and development. Let it be from now on a golden age of the Republic of Poland!Today, twenty five years on, I would like us to look back at the road we have travelled and draw some conclusions; but first and foremost, I want us to look at the present and to look ahead to the future. From a historical perspective it must be recognised that we have achieved a lot in this time of transformation. There have been errors too, sometimes leading to injustice and social inequality. The overall outcome is nevertheless positive, even more so considering where and with what we started. I must admit that 25 year ago, the only wish I had was to open the door to freedom. I did not think what the first day after victory would bring. Maybe I was hoping our freedom would have drawers full of programmes. As it turned out later, we had to build everything from scratch. We were learning democracy and the free market at a practical level, and I must say we have succeeded quite well.Talking about transformations, the path to freedom, or the road we are taking now in a free Poland, we should not only recall the year 1989 and see it as the only cause of our present democracy and free market. The events of 1989 were important, but were neither the first nor the last element in the chain of events that had their origin much earlier. One cannot forget the dramatic events in Poznań in June 1956, December 1970 in Poland and other bids for freedom. These painful experiences instilled in us a strong conviction that the only way to follow was a wisely managed and peaceful struggle. This conviction was subsequently reinforced by the words of encouragement we received from Pope John Paul II and which we managed to turn into reality. These were the foundations on which both the Polish August of 80 and the Solidarity movement grew, not only as a trade union or a freedom movement, but as a philosophy underpinning our actions. This philosophy helped us to survive through the difficult times of the 1980s, a time whichshook the nation, and when Solidarity was greatly weakened. In 1988 and 1989 Solidarity had lost some of its momentum and no longer had the support of so many millions; yet it managed to bring us freedom when we eventually sat down at the Round Table. We achieved much more than the concessions won in the Round Table agreement foresaw – our prime minister in 1989 and our president elected in free elections in 1990 were the two elements that sealed the peaceful revolution. Therefore we must now, twenty five years later as we celebrate the Anniversary of 1989, remember every link in the chain of events that lead to freedom.I would like to see in this logic of the actual causes and effects, another phase of the historic battle for a better future, this time on a global scale. The first calls that Solidarity made for unity, consensus and collaboration in building a fair, safe and prosperous global world take on a particular dimension today, and the Polish experience of solidarity and dreams of freedom may now become a guideline for nations and peoples who in the contemporary world must still cope with enslavement and hopelessness, and here I mean, also our brother Ukrainians and many other nations. Further, it may also show the direction in which global civilisation should develop, and serve as lasting points of reference. This is what the world today lacks most. Neither we, as a civilisation, nor as a global world or individual nations, have so far been successful in identifying those values that would be universal for the whole of humanity, and to which we could refer irrespective of nationality, race or faith. Consequently, we stand helpless in the face of global crises or local conflicts, or even tend to forget that in this global world our neighbour's problems become our problems, too.What our civilisation needs is a catalogue of unquestionable values accepted by all, without exception, on which to build a world of peace and safety. It is important that we agree to build our world on universal values, among which I include solidarity as the foundation of social life in many areas: economy, work, global collaboration, social inequalities. Solidarity and wisely used freedom should be the values from which universal respect for human dignity, the freedom of speech and religion, or the right to justice and equality of opportunity should derive. And we must make sure that these rights are wisely and efficiently exercised in a spirit of solidarity, locally and globally.Let this Anniversary discussion on history be at the same time a call for a debate on the shape of the future. This is the responsibility of the generation of those who have fought for and won freedom, and those who now want to use it wisely. It is our common task to make sure that these historical and democratic achievements, and in particular the potential which we, Poles, still have, is not squandered. It is a task to make the best of the chance Poland has today to build a new golden age. We should also remember that historically it has been a very long time since Poland's geographical and political situation was so stable in terms of lasting security partnerships, economy and development, if it ever was. This is a foundation on which certainly much can be built today. And I shall always be there too, to welcome all who are interested and ready to join. Like twenty five years ago … Or even earlier.
