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The right to development is a singularity in contemporary international law.It has been presented frequently as a inalienable and fundamental right : it aims to guarantee the personal fulfillment and the improvement of human condition. This multi-skilled and multi-purpose right gives to its subjects (human beings) a legal entitlement, enabling them to become the beginning, the center and the beneficiaries of all development activities. But its complex nature, its large purpose of social justice and political militancy make it juridicity difficult. The right to development is often summarized as an old idea in limbo.However, after a discrete periode, the right to development reappears by unexpected ways, free of its old ideologies, in connexion with the metamorphosis of the new concepts of development. Its resurgence is making itself stronger : it is an illustration of the variety of the law making process in international law. Some standards are elaborating, legal precedents and jurisprudences are coming, and certain practices of this right are emerging. This phenomenon requires a new analysis based on the effectivity of the right.Beyond its use as right per se, the consolidation of the right to development reveals current transformations in international law. A symbiosis exists between the effective progress of the right to development and the process of humanization of the international law. This connexion enable a reconciliation between human rights, peoples' rights and States' rights, in the perspective of a pragmactic legal humanism. ; Le droit au développement est une singularité du droit international contemporain. Désigné comme un droit fondamental inaliénable, il vise à garantir l'épanouissement des personnes et l'amélioration de la condition humaine. Ce droit polyvalent fournit à ses sujets un titre pour agir afin que la personne humaine soit à l'initiative, au centre et au bénéfice de toutes les activités de développement. Mais sa nature complexe, sa vaste finalité de justice sociale et les captations ...

The right to development is a singularity in contemporary international law.It has been presented frequently as a inalienable and fundamental right : it aims to guarantee the personal fulfillment and the improvement of human condition. This multi-skilled and multi-purpose right gives to its subjects (human beings) a legal entitlement, enabling them to become the beginning, the center and the beneficiaries of all development activities. But its complex nature, its large purpose of social justice and political militancy make it juridicity difficult. The right to development is often summarized as an old idea in limbo.However, after a discrete periode, the right to development reappears by unexpected ways, free of its old ideologies, in connexion with the metamorphosis of the new concepts of development. Its resurgence is making itself stronger : it is an illustration of the variety of the law making process in international law. Some standards are elaborating, legal precedents and jurisprudences are coming, and certain practices of this right are emerging. This phenomenon requires a new analysis based on the effectivity of the right.Beyond its use as right per se, the consolidation of the right to development reveals current transformations in international law. A symbiosis exists between the effective progress of the right to development and the process of humanization of the international law. This connexion enable a reconciliation between human rights, peoples' rights and States' rights, in the perspective of a pragmactic legal humanism. ; Le droit au développement est une singularité du droit international contemporain. Désigné comme un droit fondamental inaliénable, il vise à garantir l'épanouissement des personnes et l'amélioration de la condition humaine. Ce droit polyvalent fournit à ses sujets un titre pour agir afin que la personne humaine soit à l'initiative, au centre et au bénéfice de toutes les activités de développement. Mais sa nature complexe, sa vaste finalité de justice sociale et les captations militantes rendent sa juridicité délicate. Il est souvent présenté comme une vieille lune ayant chu dans les limbes.Or, après une brève éclipse, le droit au développement resurgit par des voies inattendues, délié de l'idéologie antérieure, en relation avec les métamorphoses des concepts du développement. Sa résurgence lui fait gagner en densité et illustre la variété du law-making process. Des standards sont élaborés, des jurisprudences s'établissent et des pratiques naissent. Le phénomène commande une analyse nouvelle, axée sur l'effectivité. Celle-ci s'entend de son existence positive comme prérogative invocable par des titulaires identifiés, de son usage et de sa réception dans les ordres juridiques.Au-delà, son affermissement interroge les transformations à l'œuvre dans le droit des gens. Une symbiose se forme en effet entre les progrès d'effectivité du droit au développement et le processus d'humanisation du droit international. Cette interaction permet in fine la conciliation des droits de l'homme, des droits des peuples et des droits des États, dans la perspective d'un humanisme juridique pragmatique.

Geneva is the symbol of a continuing placing between the possible and the desirable. To tend towards a pacified world is its objective. Before reaching this objective, would it be necessary to legislate the rules of warfare, in other words: to "humanize" warfare? The fact that the seat of oldest and most important humanitarian organization, the International Committee of the Red Cross, is located at avenue de la paix (Peace Street), is a symbol and a response regarding the attempt to conciliate between two complementary policies: searching for peace, and the regulation/humanization of armed conflicts. The article studies two contradictory ideas, constructed in parallel starting at the age of Enlightenment: 1) pacification through law and the creation of international organizations, and 2) humanization of the war, and examines their development around the two world wars, with the construction of the United Nations and its strategic center in Geneva, the base of numerous international conferences relating to disarmament and the ending of conflicts. As for humanitarian actions, they have become a means of peace strategy with increasing integration into Chapter VII of the UN Chart. Symbolically, Geneva is the place where the focus on these two ideals is of its highest level; peace and humanitarian action, sometimes contradictory, sometimes complementary, the balance of which at last seems to tend toward the latter, thus given reason to Henry Dunant. O. van Zijl

This paper deals with the re-humanization of the Kazak post-modern world through the ruptures, the losses and the disappearances which have surrounded the family lives of semi-nomad shepherds from the era of sovietization to the present day. Can we consider the radically new, the totally different and the all otherly to be ungraspable for the Kazak shepherds through the prism of their traditional representations of the worlds? Are their landmarks in space and time disturbed to the point of ruining their old relation to the worlds? Adapted from the source document.

With the Ministerial Circular of 4 October 2000, Belgium's Minister of Justice Marc Verwilghen sought to re-orient his nation's prisons toward "restorative detention." This circular is a rare and significant example of agenda-setting in the field of penitentiary policy in Belgium. In trying to understand the circular's genesis, we examine three currents of thought – restorative justice, victimology, and the humanization of detention – which have nourished both a research program and a public action program. The Ministerial Circular stems from these programs. We shall focus on the (groups of) actors, principles, practices, devices, and theoretical models involved in this process. ; Avec la circulaire ministérielle du 4 octobre 2000, Marc Verwilghen, alors ministre de la Justice, décide d'orienter le fonctionnement des prisons belges vers la réparation. Cette circulaire nous intéresse d'autant plus que la prison figure rarement à l'agenda politique. Nous proposons de nous pencher sur la genèse de ce texte en partant de trois courants d'idées – restorative justice, victimologie, humanisation de la détention – ayant alimenté un double programme de recherche et d'action publique, lequel, à son tour, a engendré la circulaire. Nous serons attentif non seulement aux (groupes d') acteurs mais également à l'imbrication des principes, pratiques, dispositifs, modèles théoriques, etc. impliqués dans ce processus. ; Peer reviewed

International audience ; In terms of people with disabilities advocating for their sexual rights, in 2011 the French government took a stand on the issue of sexual accompaniment (practice also known as sexual assistance). Discussions taking place within political bodies and in the media continue to be stimulated by moral judgments, however without explaining the lower frequency of socio-gendered relationships. They are simply recorded, objectified and deplored. This article proposes an in depth look into the debate, not by questioning the issue of sexual needs or the humanization of people with disabilities, but by analyzing the reasons for a difference in the frequency of socio-gendered relationships. Is there one (or more) social casualties or can this phenomenon be explained solely by bodily differences? ; Dans un contexte de revendications portées par les personnes handicapées concernant leurs droits sexuels, l'Etat français a été amené à se positionner en 2011 concernant la question de l'accompagnement sexuel (pratique également dénommée : assistance sexuelle). Les débats menés au sein des instances politiques, ainsi que dans les médias, sont toujours aujourd'hui largement innervés de jugements moraux, sans que pour autant la moindre fréquence des relations socio-sexuées ne soit expliquée. Elle reste simplement constatée, objectivée et déplorée. Cet article propose d'approfondir les termes du débat en interrogeant non plus la question des besoins sexuels ou encore celle de l'humanisation des personnes handicapées, mais en analysant les raisons de cette différence de fréquence des relations socio-sexuées. Existe-t-il une (ou des) causalité(s) sociale(s) ou bien ce phénomène s'explique-t-il uniquement par des différences corporelles ?

International audience ; In terms of people with disabilities advocating for their sexual rights, in 2011 the French government took a stand on the issue of sexual accompaniment (practice also known as sexual assistance). Discussions taking place within political bodies and in the media continue to be stimulated by moral judgments, however without explaining the lower frequency of socio-gendered relationships. They are simply recorded, objectified and deplored. This article proposes an in depth look into the debate, not by questioning the issue of sexual needs or the humanization of people with disabilities, but by analyzing the reasons for a difference in the frequency of socio-gendered relationships. Is there one (or more) social casualties or can this phenomenon be explained solely by bodily differences? ; Dans un contexte de revendications portées par les personnes handicapées concernant leurs droits sexuels, l'Etat français a été amené à se positionner en 2011 concernant la question de l'accompagnement sexuel (pratique également dénommée : assistance sexuelle). Les débats menés au sein des instances politiques, ainsi que dans les médias, sont toujours aujourd'hui largement innervés de jugements moraux, sans que pour autant la moindre fréquence des relations socio-sexuées ne soit expliquée. Elle reste simplement constatée, objectivée et déplorée. Cet article propose d'approfondir les termes du débat en interrogeant non plus la question des besoins sexuels ou encore celle de l'humanisation des personnes handicapées, mais en analysant les raisons de cette différence de fréquence des relations socio-sexuées. Existe-t-il une (ou des) causalité(s) sociale(s) ou bien ce phénomène s'explique-t-il uniquement par des différences corporelles ?

International audience ; In terms of people with disabilities advocating for their sexual rights, in 2011 the French government took a stand on the issue of sexual accompaniment (practice also known as sexual assistance). Discussions taking place within political bodies and in the media continue to be stimulated by moral judgments, however without explaining the lower frequency of socio-gendered relationships. They are simply recorded, objectified and deplored. This article proposes an in depth look into the debate, not by questioning the issue of sexual needs or the humanization of people with disabilities, but by analyzing the reasons for a difference in the frequency of socio-gendered relationships. Is there one (or more) social casualties or can this phenomenon be explained solely by bodily differences? ; Dans un contexte de revendications portées par les personnes handicapées concernant leurs droits sexuels, l'Etat français a été amené à se positionner en 2011 concernant la question de l'accompagnement sexuel (pratique également dénommée : assistance sexuelle). Les débats menés au sein des instances politiques, ainsi que dans les médias, sont toujours aujourd'hui largement innervés de jugements moraux, sans que pour autant la moindre fréquence des relations socio-sexuées ne soit expliquée. Elle reste simplement constatée, objectivée et déplorée. Cet article propose d'approfondir les termes du débat en interrogeant non plus la question des besoins sexuels ou encore celle de l'humanisation des personnes handicapées, mais en analysant les raisons de cette différence de fréquence des relations socio-sexuées. Existe-t-il une (ou des) causalité(s) sociale(s) ou bien ce phénomène s'explique-t-il uniquement par des différences corporelles ?

International audience ; In terms of people with disabilities advocating for their sexual rights, in 2011 the French government took a stand on the issue of sexual accompaniment (practice also known as sexual assistance). Discussions taking place within political bodies and in the media continue to be stimulated by moral judgments, however without explaining the lower frequency of socio-gendered relationships. They are simply recorded, objectified and deplored. This article proposes an in depth look into the debate, not by questioning the issue of sexual needs or the humanization of people with disabilities, but by analyzing the reasons for a difference in the frequency of socio-gendered relationships. Is there one (or more) social casualties or can this phenomenon be explained solely by bodily differences? ; Dans un contexte de revendications portées par les personnes handicapées concernant leurs droits sexuels, l'Etat français a été amené à se positionner en 2011 concernant la question de l'accompagnement sexuel (pratique également dénommée : assistance sexuelle). Les débats menés au sein des instances politiques, ainsi que dans les médias, sont toujours aujourd'hui largement innervés de jugements moraux, sans que pour autant la moindre fréquence des relations socio-sexuées ne soit expliquée. Elle reste simplement constatée, objectivée et déplorée. Cet article propose d'approfondir les termes du débat en interrogeant non plus la question des besoins sexuels ou encore celle de l'humanisation des personnes handicapées, mais en analysant les raisons de cette différence de fréquence des relations socio-sexuées. Existe-t-il une (ou des) causalité(s) sociale(s) ou bien ce phénomène s'explique-t-il uniquement par des différences corporelles ?

International audience ; In terms of people with disabilities advocating for their sexual rights, in 2011 the French government took a stand on the issue of sexual accompaniment (practice also known as sexual assistance). Discussions taking place within political bodies and in the media continue to be stimulated by moral judgments, however without explaining the lower frequency of socio-gendered relationships. They are simply recorded, objectified and deplored. This article proposes an in depth look into the debate, not by questioning the issue of sexual needs or the humanization of people with disabilities, but by analyzing the reasons for a difference in the frequency of socio-gendered relationships. Is there one (or more) social casualties or can this phenomenon be explained solely by bodily differences? ; Dans un contexte de revendications portées par les personnes handicapées concernant leurs droits sexuels, l'Etat français a été amené à se positionner en 2011 concernant la question de l'accompagnement sexuel (pratique également dénommée : assistance sexuelle). Les débats menés au sein des instances politiques, ainsi que dans les médias, sont toujours aujourd'hui largement innervés de jugements moraux, sans que pour autant la moindre fréquence des relations socio-sexuées ne soit expliquée. Elle reste simplement constatée, objectivée et déplorée. Cet article propose d'approfondir les termes du débat en interrogeant non plus la question des besoins sexuels ou encore celle de l'humanisation des personnes handicapées, mais en analysant les raisons de cette différence de fréquence des relations socio-sexuées. Existe-t-il une (ou des) causalité(s) sociale(s) ou bien ce phénomène s'explique-t-il uniquement par des différences corporelles ?

International audience ; The 19th century has been marked by a general pacification trend of mores which also involves animal welfare: construction of the first slaughterhouses on city outskirts, prohibition of "wilful animal's slaughter", appearance of the first animal welfare organizations and legislation. A century later, this process of slaughter "humanization" continues: stunning techniques evolved and came into general use in the second half of the 20th century, parallel to the slaughterhouses' industrialization process. This slaughter invisibilization and pacification dynamic leads to a disappearance of farmed animals' death. However, the debates on the issue have not disappeared. Conversely, it has amplified and hardened since the 2000s and the rise in power of the animal rights movements. Based on a survey conducted in a dozen slaughterhouses and a corpus of 58 interviews made with major players in the meat industry, we forecast that the growing interest in animal welfare is an extension of the erasure process on farmed animals' death. It envisions on one hand the slaughterhouses lock, on the other, to an "intensification'' of stunning methods, to the point of transforming some of them into slaughtering instruments. These results lead us, in fine, to discuss this secular erasure phenomenon in light of the concept of anomy. ; Le XIXe siècle est marqué par un mouvement général de pacification des moeurs qui implique également la protection animale : construction des premiers abattoirs en périphérie des villes, interdiction des « tueries », apparition des premières organisations et législations de protection des animaux. Un siècle plus tard, ce processus d'« humanisation » de l'abattage se poursuit : les techniques d'étourdissement évoluent puis se généralisent dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, en parallèle du processus d'industrialisation des abattoirs. Cette dynamique d'invisibilisation et de pacification de l'abattage aboutit à un effacement de la mort des animaux d'élevage. Pour autant, les débats ...

International audience ; The 19th century has been marked by a general pacification trend of mores which also involves animal welfare: construction of the first slaughterhouses on city outskirts, prohibition of "wilful animal's slaughter", appearance of the first animal welfare organizations and legislation. A century later, this process of slaughter "humanization" continues: stunning techniques evolved and came into general use in the second half of the 20th century, parallel to the slaughterhouses' industrialization process. This slaughter invisibilization and pacification dynamic leads to a disappearance of farmed animals' death. However, the debates on the issue have not disappeared. Conversely, it has amplified and hardened since the 2000s and the rise in power of the animal rights movements. Based on a survey conducted in a dozen slaughterhouses and a corpus of 58 interviews made with major players in the meat industry, we forecast that the growing interest in animal welfare is an extension of the erasure process on farmed animals' death. It envisions on one hand the slaughterhouses lock, on the other, to an "intensification'' of stunning methods, to the point of transforming some of them into slaughtering instruments. These results lead us, in fine, to discuss this secular erasure phenomenon in light of the concept of anomy. ; Le XIXe siècle est marqué par un mouvement général de pacification des moeurs qui implique également la protection animale : construction des premiers abattoirs en périphérie des villes, interdiction des « tueries », apparition des premières organisations et législations de protection des animaux. Un siècle plus tard, ce processus d'« humanisation » de l'abattage se poursuit : les techniques d'étourdissement évoluent puis se généralisent dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, en parallèle du processus d'industrialisation des abattoirs. Cette dynamique d'invisibilisation et de pacification de l'abattage aboutit à un effacement de la mort des animaux d'élevage. Pour autant, les débats ...

Artistic interventions within organizations meet the issue of their political stance and their critical ability. Can the art intervention foster a humanization of the organization and lower the arbitrary and authoritarian regime? My own experiments through the mean of a discussion device and a protocol based on the rule: "you choose who you listen to, you cannot choose who you talk to", strive at opening a more egalitarian sharing of the speech on the organizational stage. Drawing on Rancière's aesthetic and politic theories, I investigate two cases where my intervention resulted in an increased enforcement of power and a restriction of the freedom to speak. By describing the internal logics underlying the actors' experience of the sensible, I outline a conception of a dialogism not so much concerned with the right to speak and the claim for acknowledgement, as with the inevitable authoritarian quality of listening. The critique of my intervention and my art device and the consideration of the manners in which the actors perceive the heterogeneous dimensions of speech delineate an art form of intervention as an aesthetic education. Training a dissensual listening would mean knowing how to discern any voice among the rustling others, and knowing how discernment is arbitrary. I conclude by circumscribing which ethic responsibility I need to assume in order for my art approach towards organizations to qualify as a true political aesthetics in the sense of Rancière. ; Les interventions artistiques dans le monde des entreprises soulèvent la question de leur capacité critique, et de leur posture politique. L'artiste peut-il contribuer par son intervention à humaniser l'organisation, et diminuer l'exercice de l'autorité arbitraire qui s'y exerce ? Mes propres expériences au moyen d'un dispositif de discussion particulier, basé sur le principe « on choisit qui on écoute, on ne choisit pas à qui on parle », tentent d'instaurer un partage de la parole plus égalitaire sur les scènes ordinaires de la vie organisationnelle. ...

Artistic interventions within organizations meet the issue of their political stance and their critical ability. Can the art intervention foster a humanization of the organization and lower the arbitrary and authoritarian regime? My own experiments through the mean of a discussion device and a protocol based on the rule: "you choose who you listen to, you cannot choose who you talk to", strive at opening a more egalitarian sharing of the speech on the organizational stage. Drawing on Rancière's aesthetic and politic theories, I investigate two cases where my intervention resulted in an increased enforcement of power and a restriction of the freedom to speak. By describing the internal logics underlying the actors' experience of the sensible, I outline a conception of a dialogism not so much concerned with the right to speak and the claim for acknowledgement, as with the inevitable authoritarian quality of listening. The critique of my intervention and my art device and the consideration of the manners in which the actors perceive the heterogeneous dimensions of speech delineate an art form of intervention as an aesthetic education. Training a dissensual listening would mean knowing how to discern any voice among the rustling others, and knowing how discernment is arbitrary. I conclude by circumscribing which ethic responsibility I need to assume in order for my art approach towards organizations to qualify as a true political aesthetics in the sense of Rancière. ; Les interventions artistiques dans le monde des entreprises soulèvent la question de leur capacité critique, et de leur posture politique. L'artiste peut-il contribuer par son intervention à humaniser l'organisation, et diminuer l'exercice de l'autorité arbitraire qui s'y exerce ? Mes propres expériences au moyen d'un dispositif de discussion particulier, basé sur le principe « on choisit qui on écoute, on ne choisit pas à qui on parle », tentent d'instaurer un partage de la parole plus égalitaire sur les scènes ordinaires de la vie organisationnelle. ...

Artistic interventions within organizations meet the issue of their political stance and their critical ability. Can the art intervention foster a humanization of the organization and lower the arbitrary and authoritarian regime? My own experiments through the mean of a discussion device and a protocol based on the rule: "you choose who you listen to, you cannot choose who you talk to", strive at opening a more egalitarian sharing of the speech on the organizational stage. Drawing on Rancière's aesthetic and politic theories, I investigate two cases where my intervention resulted in an increased enforcement of power and a restriction of the freedom to speak. By describing the internal logics underlying the actors' experience of the sensible, I outline a conception of a dialogism not so much concerned with the right to speak and the claim for acknowledgement, as with the inevitable authoritarian quality of listening. The critique of my intervention and my art device and the consideration of the manners in which the actors perceive the heterogeneous dimensions of speech delineate an art form of intervention as an aesthetic education. Training a dissensual listening would mean knowing how to discern any voice among the rustling others, and knowing how discernment is arbitrary. I conclude by circumscribing which ethic responsibility I need to assume in order for my art approach towards organizations to qualify as a true political aesthetics in the sense of Rancière. ; Les interventions artistiques dans le monde des entreprises soulèvent la question de leur capacité critique, et de leur posture politique. L'artiste peut-il contribuer par son intervention à humaniser l'organisation, et diminuer l'exercice de l'autorité arbitraire qui s'y exerce ? Mes propres expériences au moyen d'un dispositif de discussion particulier, basé sur le principe « on choisit qui on écoute, on ne choisit pas à qui on parle », tentent d'instaurer un partage de la parole plus égalitaire sur les scènes ordinaires de la vie organisationnelle. ...