Suchergebnisse

Devletin küçültülmesi sorunu son elli yıllık siyasi ve ekonomik alanın en önemli çalışma alanı olmuş, bilim dünyası ve siyasiler büyük ve hantal devlet yapısından kurtulmaya çalışmışlar, devleti küçültmek için çeşitli yol ve yöntemler önermişler, uygulamaya çalışmışlardır.Anayasal İktisat Kuramı da diğer kuramlar gibi devleti küçültmek için çeşitli önerilerde bulunmuş liberal bir kuramdır. Anayasal İktisat Kuramının devletin küçültülmesine bakış açısı ve önerilerinin neler olduğu bu çalışmanın temel problemidir. Bu problemin araştırılmasında ilk liberal teorisyenlerden başlanarak günümüze değin liberal öneriler ve arkalarından gelişen Anayasal İktisat Kuramı ile Keynesyen teori ve bürokrasi teorileri incelenmiş, geniş bir kaynak taraması yapılmıştır. Elde edilen bilgiler beş ana başlık altında kategorilenerek problem, sebepleri, sonuçları sırası ile çözümlenmiştir. Son olarak Anayasal İktisat Kuramının problemin çözümü ve ideal devlet yapısına ulaşmak için sunduğu öneriler alt başlıklar halinde incelenerek ortaya konmuştur. ; Downsizing has been the major point of study in the fields of politics and economics for the last fifty years. The scientist and the political leaders have tried to overcome the bulky structure of the state; have advised some ways and methods for downsizing; and have tried to apply such precautions The Constitutional Economics theory is a liberal theory that offers various ways for downsizing. How the Constitutional Economics theory approaches the downsizing matter and what its offers is the basic problem of this study. During the literature review, beginning with the very first liberal theorists, liberal theories and the Constitutional Economics theory, which has been afterwards, have been studied along with the Keynesian theory and the bureaucratic theories. The information gained from the study has been divided into five main categories and it has been resolved respectively the problem, the causes and the results. At the end offered by the Constitutional Economics theory, the solutions, regarding to resolving the problem and reaching to ideal state structure, have been examined under the sub titles.

Tarihsel süreç boyunca toplumların pek çok siyasal rejim türü altında idare olunduğu malumdur. Bunlardan en önemlileri monarşi, teokrasi, feodalizm, totalitarizm, oligarşi ve demokrasidir. Toplumlar tarih ilerledikçe bireysel eşitlik ve özgürlük düşüncelerinin ortaya çıkması sonucu özellikle demokratik sisteme ve demokrasinin değerlerine sarılmaya başlamıştır. Demokrasi bireylerin eşitliğine yaptığı vurguyla ve siyasal idare mekanizmasına toplumun tüm üyelerinin katılımına imkan sağlamasıyla bireyler ve toplumlar nezdinde büyük önem kazanmıştır. Diğer bir ifadeyle ulaşılması gereken bir ideal olarak kabul görmüştür. Fakat İtalyan asıllı olan ve Machiavelli'nin izlerini takip eden üç düşünür Mosca, Pareto ve Michels, sağladığı iddia edilen bütün imkanlara rağmen demokratik rejimlerin bireylere siyasal karar alma mekanizmasına katılma noktasında eşit imkanlar sunmadıklarını belirtmişlerdir. Bu çalışmada klasik elitist düşünürler olarak kabul edilen bu üç düşünürün demokratik rejimlere yönelik eleştirileri incelenmiştir. ; Throughout the historical process, it is known that societies was under the control of many political regimes. The most important of these are monarchy, theocracy, feudalism, totalitarianism, oligarchy and democracy. Societies particularly have begun to embrace the values of the democracy and the democratic system as the result of the emergence of the ideas of individual equality and freedom as history progresses. Democracy has gained importance in the individuals and societies because of it's emphasis on the equality of the individuals and enabling the participation of all the members of the society to the political administration mechanism. In other words it has been accepted as an ideal to be reached. But the three Italian thinkers who followed Machiavelli's footsteps, Mosca, Pareto and Michels, pointed out that despite all the alleged possibilities, democratic regimes do not offer equal opportunities to individuals for participation in political decision-making. In this study, the criticisms of democratic regimes by these thinkers, who are considered as classical elitist thinkers, have been examined.

Devletin küçültülmesi sorunu son elli yıllık siyasi ve ekonomik alanın en önemli çalışma alanı olmuş, bilim dünyası ve siyasiler büyük ve hantal devlet yapısından kurtulmaya çalışmışlar, devleti küçültmek için çeşitli yol ve yöntemler önermişler, uygulamaya çalışmışlardır.Anayasal İktisat Kuramı da diğer kuramlar gibi devleti küçültmek için çeşitli önerilerde bulunmuş liberal bir kuramdır. Anayasal İktisat Kuramının devletin küçültülmesine bakış açısı ve önerilerinin neler olduğu bu çalışmanın temel problemidir. Bu problemin araştırılmasında ilk liberal teorisyenlerden başlanarak günümüze değin liberal öneriler ve arkalarından gelişen Anayasal İktisat Kuramı ile Keynesyen teori ve bürokrasi teorileri incelenmiş, geniş bir kaynak taraması yapılmıştır. Elde edilen bilgiler beş ana başlık altında kategorilenerek problem, sebepleri, sonuçları sırası ile çözümlenmiştir. Son olarak Anayasal İktisat Kuramının problemin çözümü ve ideal devlet yapısına ulaşmak için sunduğu öneriler alt başlıklar halinde incelenerek ortaya konmuştur. Anahtar Kelimeler: Anayasal İktisat, Devletin Küçültülmesi, Optimal Devlet ; Downsizing has been the major point of study in the fields of politics and economics for the last fifty years. The scientist and the political leaders have tried to overcome the bulky structure of the state; have advised some ways and methods for downsizing; and have tried to apply such precautions The Constitutional Economics theory is a liberal theory that offers various ways for downsizing. How the Constitutional Economics theory approaches the downsizing matter and what its offers is the basic problem of this study. During the literature review, beginning with the very first liberal theorists, liberal theories and the Constitutional Economics theory, which has been afterwards, have been studied along with the Keynesian theory and the bureaucratic theories. The information gained from the study has been divided into five main categories and it has been resolved respectively the problem, the causes and the results. At the end offered by the Constitutional Economics theory, the solutions, regarding to resolving the problem and reaching to ideal state structure, have been examined under the sub titles. Key Words: Constitutional Economics, State Reduction, Optimum State

The framework of public administration in many developing countries was, to a large extent, set by the colonial powers: direct or indirect rule, centralization of administrative power benefiting only a small elite, & the abuse of power at the lower levels of government affect the administrative apparatus to this day. Other problems are the psychological insecurity of many administrators, the intertwining of politics & administration, the inability of the administrators to cope with problems of economic planning & performance, & the general shortage of skilled personnel, especially in the field of management. The science of public administration presents various approaches to the study of administration in developing countries, including: (1)`ideographic' analysis (largely descriptive, & directed at the solution of practical problems), & (2) typologies & classifications (`crude' models or sophisticated ideal types, like M. Weber's 'bureaucracy'). F. W. Riggs's bipolar ideal type of 'agraria' & 'industria' deserve particular attention; when used in the context of an ecological approach (eg, Riggs, F. W., Administration in Developing Countries-The Theory of Prismatic Society, Boston: Little, Brown, 1964) it forms a very useful approach to the study of public administration in developing countries. Ideographic analysis suffers from a lack of scientific rigor, but its attention to history & culture & its practical orientation constitute definite advantages. Yet, there are considerable problems in justifying `comparative ideographic' development assistance in the field of public administration. Weber's ideal type offers another useful starting point for the study of development administration, but only if one uses the bureaucratic ideal type in a more inductive way than Weber did, & if one takes great care to avoid simplistic notions about a `modern' bureaucracy. Riggs's ecological approach & Weber's ideal type of `the bureaucracy' as reformulated by F. Heady (Public Administration: A Comparative Perspective, Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1966), seem to be the most solid bases for a further development of the study of development administration. Modified HA.

The framework of public administration in many developing countries was, to a large extent, set by the colonial powers: direct or indirect rule, centralization of administrative power benefiting only a small elite, & the abuse of power at the lower levels of government affect the administrative apparatus to this day. Other problems are the psychological insecurity of many administrators, the intertwining of politics & administration, the inability of the administrators to cope with problems of economic planning & performance, & the general shortage of skilled personnel, especially in the field of management. The science of public administration presents various approaches to the study of administration in developing countries, including: (1)'ideographic' analysis (largely descriptive, & directed at the solution of practical problems), & (2) typologies & classifications ('crude' models or sophisticated ideal types, like M. Weber's 'bureaucracy'). F. W. Riggs's bipolar ideal type of 'agraria' & 'industria' deserve particular attention; when used in the context of an ecological approach (eg, Riggs, F. W., Administration in Developing Countries--The Theory of Prismatic Society, Boston: Little, Brown, 1964) it forms a very useful approach to the study of public administration in developing countries. Ideographic analysis suffers from a lack of scientific rigor, but its attention to history & culture & its practical orientation constitute definite advantages. Yet, there are considerable problems in justifying 'comparative ideographic' development assistance in the field of public administration. Weber's ideal type offers another useful starting point for the study of development administration, but only if one uses the bureaucratic ideal type in a more inductive way than Weber did, & if one takes great care to avoid simplistic notions about a 'modern' bureaucracy. Riggs's ecological approach & Weber's ideal type of 'the bureaucracy' as reformulated by F. Heady (Public Administration: A Comparative Perspective, Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1966), seem to be the most solid bases for a further development of the study of development administration. Modified HA.

A theoretical analysis of the problem of conflict between states or alliances, founded on the Nash theory of bargaining & cooperative games (Nash, J. F., "The Bargaining Problem," Econometrica, 1950, 18, 155-162). Assumptions that must be met to make the use of this theory possible are elucidated. Given these assumptions, precise meanings can be given to such concepts as "dominance" & "strategic equilibrium." Such game-theoretical understanding provides an alternative to warfare as a means of gaining knowledge of relative military strength, thus making unnecessary the Clausewitzian process of repeated warfare. A two-step process -- a stage of strategic rivalry, & a cooperative phase -- leads to attainment of an ideal final agreement for both sides. An application to the global East/West matrix from 1970 to 1987 is presented, & means of applying game-theoretical methods realistically to international relations are proposed. 7 Tables, 3 Figures. Modified HA

Url: http://josc.selcuk.edu.tr/article/view/1075000405 ; Devlet-sivil toplum-demokrasi üçgeninin ağırlık merkezinde yer alan basının Batı'lı ülkelerde olduğu gibi Türkiye'de de yurttaşlık haklarının gelişmesinde doğrudan katkısı olmuştur. Bu çalışmanın amacı, Türkiye'de yurttaşlık haklarının olgunlaşmasının, özellikle yazılı basındaki gelişmelere koşut bir paralellik gösterdiğinin irdelenmesidir. Betimleyici bir yaklaşımın sergilendiği çalışmanın başlangıç noktasını, Osmanlı'nın son dönemindeki Batılılaşma hareketleri ve basının üstlendiği misyon oluşturmuştur. Bu dönemde, yüzü Batı'ya dönük gazetecilerin yenileşme ve hak arayışları ön plana çıkarken; karşılaştıkları önemli engellemeler, sağlanan kazanımların sınırlılığına neden olmuştur. Bağımsızlık savaşı sonrasında kurulan Türkiye Cumhuriyeti döneminde ise, Batı'lı anlamda bir toplum projesi oluşturulmuştur. Bir yandan temel hak ve özgürlükler anayasal güvence altına alınırken; diğer yandan modern bir yurttaş profili gerçekleştirilmiştir. Bununla birlikte, dönemin gerek iç gerekse dış politikasındaki konjonktürel gelişmeler demokrasi fikrinin yaşama geçirilmesinde gecikmelere yol açmıştır. Özellikle bu dönemde, basından beklenilen işlev, kurulan yeni düzeni ve devrimleri desteklemesi ve bu konuda halkı bilinçlendirmesi olmuştur. Kuşkusuz bu dönemde, Cumhuriyet idealine muhalif olan basın üzerinde önemli kısıtlamalara gidilmiştir. Sonuç olarak çok partili siyasal hayata geçiş öncesindeki dönemin ele alındığı bu çalışmada, basının kimi zaman karşılaştığı sınırlamalara rağmen, yurttaşlık haklarının gelişiminde önemli ancak yeterli olmayan bir rol oynadığı vurgulanmıştır. ; Press is to be taken part in the gravity's center of the triangle of state-civil society- democracy that has been contributed directly to the development of citizenship rights in Turkey like western countries. The aim of this study, it is mentioned that the development of citizenship rights shows a conditioned parallellism towards the development of the written press. In the last period of the Ottoman's westernization movements and mission of the press have constituted the begin-ning point of this study that has been exhibited a descriptive approach. At this term, when jour-nalists whose faces became towards West, surpassed their modernization and right seeking, the limitations of the acquired rights were caused by the importance prohibitions. After Independence War and the Republician of Turkey was established, a social project was formed in Western context. Fundemental right and freedoms were taken by constitutional guaranty. And also, the profile of modern compatriot was constituted. However, the concept of democracy was constituted to be delayed by the conjuncturel developments about both internal and external pol-itics. Especially at this period, it was expected that the function of the press supported the estab-lishing, new deal and revolutions and also, educated to public about this subject. Definitely at this term, importance prohibitions on the press which was related to opposition of the ideal of republician, were constituted by the government. As a result of this study which was related to the term about before the plural political life, although the press was confronted with limitations from time to time, it played a significant role about the development of citizenship rights. But, this role did not become efficent for citizenship rights and democracy.

Kalkınma projeleri ile birlikte neoliberal küreselleşme, dünyayı Batı ideallerine göre yıllardır şekillendiren modernite kurumlarındandır. Özellikle "Üçüncü Dünya'da" bu şekillendirmenin yapılması birçok topluma yoksulluk, sefalet ve şiddet getirmiştir. Bu şiddet ve yoksulluğun mağdurları olan ve kapitalizmin kaderleri olmadığının farkında olan taban hareketleri alternatifler yaratabilmenin çabası içindedirler. Otonomi ise bu çabanın gerçekleştirilebilmesinin yoludur. Fakat ne var ki otonomi kavramı birçok özerklik hareketine de temel olacak şekilde uzun süredir liberal düşünce okulunun tahakkümü altındadır. Otonomi kavramına farazi durumlar üzerinden daha büyük bir amaca ulaşmanın aracı olarak yaklaşan liberal otonomi yaklaşımı neoliberal küreselleşme sürecinde sığ kalmaktadır. Çalışmada incelenen Zapatista Hareketi örneğinde de görüldüğü gibi, tabandan gelen toplumsal hareketlerin otonom olmayı arzuladıkları modernite kurumlarını liberal otonomi yaklaşımları doğal ve alternatifi olmayan gerçeklikler olarak üstü açık ya da kapalı kabul etmektedirler. Böyle bir yaklaşım ise Castoriadis'in heteronomi olarak adlandırdığı otonomiye zıt bir durumu ortaya çıkartmaktadır. Liberal otonomi yaklaşımlarının bizzat toplumların otonom olmayı arzuladıkları gerçeklikleri alternatifsiz kabul etmesi yeni bir otonomi yaklaşımının inşasını gerekli ve mümkün kılmaktadır. Neoliberal küreselleşme ve kalkınma projesi gibi toplulukların otonom olabilmelerini engelleyen modernite kurumlarını tamamen reddeden Post-Kalkınma Teorisi ise çok boyutlu otonominin inşası için kuramsal bir çerçeve sunmaktadır. Liberal otonomi yaklaşımları aksine Post-Kalkınma Teorisi, Zapatista Hareketi'nde de görüldüğü gibi siyasi, ekonomik ve kültürel mecralarda çok boyutlu bir otonomi yaklaşımına sahiptir. Otonomi kavramını, ulus devletin merkezi tarafından tanınan siyasi ve kültürel ayrıcalıklar olarak kabul etmek yerine, bu çalışma sömürgecilikten kalkınma projelerine modernite kurumlarının hepsinin mağduru olan toplulukların oluşturduğu Zapatista Hareketi'nde de görüldüğü gibi çok boyutlu bir otonomi yaklaşımının kuramlaştırılmasını hedeflemektedir. ; Along with development projects, neoliberal globalization has been one of the modernity institutions which transforms rest of the World in line with Western ideals. Such transformation has brought poverty, misery and violence to communities and especially to those in the so-called "Third World". Those communities have come to realize that the system that bears such misery and violence is not their fate and is not without an alternative and the ways of creating such alternatives are emanating from the grassroots. The concept of autonomy is the path to such attempts of creating alternatives. However, autonomy has long been studied in and associated with liberal school of thought. But, the liberal approaches to autonomy which tend to see autonomy as a tool for achieving a greater goal and conceptualizes it through vague and abstract situtations, are nothing but shallow in these times of neoliberal globalization. Because, as it can be observed in the case of Zapatista Movement, the grassroots initiatives aim to be autonomous from the institutions of modernity and the liberal approaches view these institutions like free-market economy or nation-state as natural realities and without their alternatives. Such an approach is not only compatible with the very notion of autonomy but is what Castoriadis called heteronomy; the opposite of autonomy. In this light, the Post-Development Theory provides theoretical framework for an alternative and multi-layered conceptualization of autonomy. As it can be seen in the case of Zapatista Movement, the project of autonomy can be realized through political, cultural and economic levels. It is the aim of this study to theorize such an alternative and multi-layered approach to autonomy.

With worldwide progress, development and diversification come tensions between individual, local, national, and global identities, and the fight for equality and justice and opposition to discrimination. Iran is no different, but little has been written about the historical, current, and future identities of Iran's ethnic groups. This study looks at the Azeris, Kurds, Arabs, and Baloch alongside the Persian ethnic identity, which is predominant in modern Iran and which many claim is upheld politically and socially as the ideal for a future, collective Iranian ethnic identity, promoting discrimination against different ethnic identities. This theory is grounded by conducting and analysing in-depth questionnaires across 13 Iranian provinces in relation to religious, local, and national identities; inter-ethnic cultural borders; hindrances to progressive movements; the purging of certain ethnic cultures; and possible steps to resolve crises. Some data has been extracted from the author's recently published book, From Border to Border: Comprehensive research study on identity and ethnicity in Iran. This data presents practical steps to achieving stable, equitable and sustainable cultural, social, economic, legal, and political conditions in Iran, based on the results of questionnaires. Taken into consideration is the realization of economic, socio-cultural, and political justice and indiscriminate social welfare, promoting interethnic solidarity and justice in the media, separating the legal and political systems from religious and ethno-centric thought in acknowledgement of the diversity of religious identities in Iran, and implementing the pending articles of the Constitution.