"In 1898, Qing Dynasty emperor Guangxu ordered a series of reforms to correct the poltiical, economic, cultural, and educational weaknesses exposed by China's defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War. The "Hundred Days" reform has received a great deal of attention from historians who have focused on the well-known male reformers, but until now the Qing women reformers have received amost no consideration. In this book, literary historian Nanxiu Qian examines the late Qing reforms from the perspective of Xue Shaohui (1866-1911)--a leading woman writer who openly argued against male reformers' approach that subordinated women's issues to larger national concerns. Xue and her circle went beyond the inherited Confucian pattern, demanding equal political and educational rights with men in their quest for an ideal womanhood and an ideal social order"--Back cover
Chan Chi Yuen. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 246-265). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Acknowledgements --- p.i ; Table of Contents --- p.iii ; Abstract --- p.vii ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Politics of Political Accountability in Hong Kong 一 The Research Puzzle and Questions --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- "Research Puzzle: Different Conception of ""Political Accountability""?" --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Research Questions and Design --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of the Study --- p.6 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- The Concept of Accountability - the Normative and Theoretical Issues --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Accountability - Ideals and Actualities --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Why Political Accountability? The Ideal of Rendering Account --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- The need of limited government --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Concept of Accountability - a Kind of Political Control --- p.15 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- "Rendering Account - Information, Reason and Sanctions" --- p.16 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Representation and Accountable Government: a Comparative Approach --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.4 --- The Desirability of Accountability - the Tactful Balance --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.5 --- The Limitation of Accountability - Informational Barrier --- p.34 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- The Concept of Accountability 一 the Organizational Issues --- p.37 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Structural Components of Accountability --- p.37 ; Chapter 3.2 --- The Formal Organizational Components of Democratic Accountability --- p.40 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Vertical and Horizontal Accountability --- p.43 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Typology of Accountability --- p.46 ; Chapter 3.4.1 --- Classical dichotomy of political and administrative accountability --- p.46 ; Chapter 3.4.2 --- Political Accountability ´ؤ Vertical Accountability Agents --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.4.2.1 --- Elections/ Electoral sanctions --- p.51 ; Chapter 3.4.2.2 --- Other Popular Mechanisms --- p.57 ; Chapter 3.4.2.2.1 --- Pressure groups --- p.57 ...
The design of this research is based on the liberal pluralism belief that there should be various forms of alternative media co-existing with mainstream media, and the society benefits from having alternatives. The concept of alternative media refers to media that are independent from the political and market power. They deal with alternative topics, which are not covered in their mainstream counterparts. One of the traditions of alternative media research is to examine their potential in the formation of subaltern public sphere. ; The core question of this research is to explore the usage of online alternative media, and the link between online alternative media and the ideal of subaltern public sphere, in terms of attitude towards difference, rational discussion and civic participation. Participatory observation, online survey and case studies were applied to find out the answers. ; First of all, it is found that the usage of online alternative media is influenced by a number of factors. In addition to the gratifications sought from media usage, a heterogeneous online community is more likely to accept online alternative media, while intense use of alternative media in turn contributes to more tolerance of difference in society. ; Secondly, this research examines the relationships between online alternative media and the elements of subaltern public sphere. As the research findings suggest, under high political and economic pressure, little space is left for mainstream public sphere, while subaltern public sphere is possible with the help of online alternative media. Non-hierarchically organized and depend on voluntary work, online alternative media partly escape from political and market pressure and become the birthplace of rational public opinions. Online alternative media contribute to democratic society as they generate public space for deliberation, and cultivate the culture of participation. ; Finally, the significance of heterogeneity is emphasized. Online alternative media develop a group of media ...
Zhang Weiyu. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2003. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 170-177). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter I --- Subaltern Public Spheres on the Internet --- p.5 ; Democracy and the Internet --- p.5 ; Public sphere as a democratic ideal --- p.7 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Habermasian public sphere --- p.8 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Multiple public spheres --- p.11 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Habermasian public sphere vs. multiple public spheres --- p.17 ; Public sphere and the Internet --- p.21 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Habermasian public sphere on the Internet --- p.23 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Multiple public spheres on the Internet --- p.27 ; Chapter II --- Subaltern Public Spheres in China --- p.30 ; The history of Chinese civil society --- p.30 ; Civil society in contemporary China --- p.32 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Definitions of civil society --- p.32 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Trade union and the caged social organizations --- p.34 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Entrepreneurial class and the incorporated social organizations --- p.36 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Discussions --- p.38 ; Multiple public spheres in contemporary China --- p.39 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Mass media and the dominant public sphere --- p.41 ; Chapter ´Ø --- The premises of subaltern public sphere in China --- p.42 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Subaltern public spheres in contemporary China --- p.44 ; Chapter III --- Research Questions and Research Design --- p.48 ; Research questions --- p.48 ; Research site: an online discussion board of movies --- p.48 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Why BBS? --- p.49 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Why movies? --- p.51 ; Research methods --- p.54 ; Chapter IV --- Bulletin Boards as Subaltern Public Spheres --- p.57 ; Introduction of Rear Window --- p.58 ; Chapter ´Ø --- The development of Rear Window --- p.59 ; Chapter ´Ø --- The contents on Rear Window --- p.61 ; Chapter ´Ø --- The users of Rear Window --- p.63 ; Accessibility of Rear Window --- p.65 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Accessibility of the Internet in China --- p.65 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Accessibility of ...
動員是否可以作為一種解決公共問題的治理手段?本文基於改變他人行為的三種基本要素:交換、強制、動員,重新界定了中文語境中的動員概念,進而提出了一套新的關於解決公共問題治理風格的分析框架。在不同的條件下,三種基本要素不同程度的混合運用產生了動員式治理、科層制管理、市場化處理三種治國理政風格理想類型,它們在行為動機的理性化程度、組織機構的科層化程度、解決公共問題的分工與專業化程度三個維度上相互區別開來。 ; 運用這一理論分析框架,作者比較了中國共產黨在革命、建政、改革三個歷史時期治理風格的變化及其原因。中國共產黨政治地位的轉變改變了其自身組織結構特性,這一核心因素與黨在不同歷史時期中心任務的調整及指導思想的變化,決定了其對動員、強制、交換等不同手段的取捨與搭配。革命年代訓練出來的群眾動員技巧與工作方法在中國共產黨取得執政地位後,仍舊是行之有效的治理手段,並且它與群眾路線構成了中國共產黨執政合法性的重要來源。但是,隨著執政黨所能動用的強制能力與物質資源的增長,以及黨組織自身的日益科層化,在改革開放時期,動員逐漸被有意識的弱化,由此也造成了中國共產黨在日常群眾工作和社會控制方面的衰退。 ; Can mobilization be adopted as a means of governing to address the public issues? This thesis reconceptualizes the term 'mobilization' in the Chinese context based on three basic factors that alter human behaviors, namely, exchange, coercion, and mobilization. It puts forward a novel analytic framework of governing styles to solve the public issues. Under different circumstances, the configuration of the three basic factors adopted to different degrees will generate three ideal governing styles, that is, mobilized governance, bureaucratic management, and market-based settlement. These three ideal governing styles can be differentiated in three dimensions: the rationality of the behavior's motives, the hierarchy of the organization, and the specialized division of labor in solving the public issues. ; Using this theoretical framework for analysis, the author compared the changes of the governing styles of the Communist Party of China in three historical periods - revolution era, Maoist era, and reform era, and explored the reasons of the changes. The change of the party's political status altered the characteristics of its organizational structures. This core factor, together with the adjustment of the central tasks and the changes of the guiding thoughts in the party during different historical periods, determined how these means such as mobilization, coercion and exchange were selected and combined. Mass mobilization techniques and working styles obtained in the revolution era remained effective after the party took its ...
如果將崔健的專輯《新長征路上的搖滾》視為中國搖滾樂的正式開端,中國搖滾樂儼然已有近三十年的歷史。作為一種西方另類文化產品的追隨者,中國搖滾樂並沒有簡單複製西方搖滾樂史;作為一種流行次文化現象,中國搖滾樂生動地反映和再現着中國社會的面貌及其歷史變遷,而這一在中國文化語境下的反映和再現則正是中國搖滾樂作為一種風格的原創性所在。本文試圖探討中國搖滾樂中的「中國元素」。為了能夠縱觀這三十年的歷史,筆者特意挑選崔健、唐朝樂隊、二手玫瑰樂隊作為三個「十年」的突出代表來進行考察。 ; 作為中國搖滾樂的先驅者,在崔健的音樂作品中保留著一種「紅色情結」,一些革命年代的印記依舊會在他的歌曲中顯現;另外,崔健的一句「一無所有」喊出了那一代青年人的心聲,這種直白地表達在當時不自覺地帶有了一種比較嚴肅的政治含意,也因此使中國搖滾樂的命運同西方搖滾樂一樣,最先以一種反叛的不安分子形象示人;唐朝樂隊是中國搖滾樂「黃金時代」的代表,對中國古代輝煌歷史時期的追憶,加之重金屬音樂風格的衝擊力,使其再造了一個理想的中國陽剛之氣──「文武雙全」;創新性地將搖滾和東北二人轉風格元素相結合使二手玫瑰樂隊成為近期中國搖滾樂的一朵奇葩, 他們既娛樂又嚴肅的反諷風格豐富了中國搖滾樂的語匯。通過對這三例的並置對比,本文意在論證三十年間中國搖滾樂中的「中國性」在體現方式上的微妙變化以及其風格演變的過程。 ; Having a history of nearly thirty years, Chinese rock is not only a term that indicates a regional genre, but also a specific music style. Its originality lies in its intimate relation with the particular social and economic conditions of China. This thesis focuses on "Chineseness" in Chinese rock, which covers musical characteristics, political identity, traditional and ancient culture and regional performing arts. In order to demonstrate its historical development, I choose and discuss three musical acts from each decade in Chinese rock history. They are Cui Jian in the 1980s, Tang Dynasty in the 1990s and Second Hand Rose after 2000. ; Widely regarded as the forerunner of Chinese rock, Cui Jian's music has a "red" ideology; meanwhile, his brave expression of the inner youth voice of that generation also give Chinese rock a rebellious image from the very beginning. Tang Dynasty represents Chinese rock's "golden age". Through invoking a glorious period in China's ancient history, they build an ideal Chinese masculinity in their style of heavy metal. Second Hand Rose innovatively absorbs elements from secular performing art in their music, criticizing new societal conditions in an ironic way. This thesis concludes with the view that the expression of "Chineseness in Chinese rock has been continually transforming throughout the decades, and those Chinese rock musicians' attitudes toward an "ideal" conceptualization of China have likewise ...
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has emerged as a new model of regional governance at a moment of an increasing deficit of global governance and a governance dilemma in the European Union. In the past several years, during the consultations with the respective countries, the BRI has shocked the traditional western governance paradigm from the perspective of governance concept, structure and regulation. The BRI has also marked a change from Western governance emphasizing good-governance to Oriental and Chinese governance, emphasizing good-administration. From actor-oriented governance to topic-oriented governance and from pluralistic integration governance to multivariate, multibody governance. Those changes indicate the characteristics of the BRI based on resolving problems under shared circumstances, building consensus with shared ideals, searching for new ideas with shared needs, and would help to provide a regional governance transition with a feasible and referable model providing promising prospects. Key words: The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), Governance Paradigm, Concept, Structure, Regulation ; 全球治理赤字突显、欧盟治理遭遇困难之际,"一带一路"这一新型区域治理形式出现。几年来,在与沿线周边国家共商共建实践中,"一带一路"倡议合作在治理理念、结构、规范几个方面动摇了西方传统治理范式,预示着区域治理的改变和转向:从强调良治的西方治理模式向强调良政的东方方式、中国方式转变,从主体导向治理向主题导向治理转变,从多元一体治理向多元多体治理转变。这些转变体现了"一带一路"基于共同处境解决问题、出于相同理念凝聚共识、立于共同需求寻找方案的新特点,有望为区域治理转型提供可行的经验、可鉴的模式与可期的前景。 【关键词】:"一带一路";治理范式;理念;结构;规范
This study explores a significant and little studied aspect of the pioneering doctrinal work of the Fajia tradition, the Book of Lord Shang 商君書 (ca. 260 B.C. -‐233 B.C.): its system of rewards. In contrast with previous scholarship that has questioned the existence of a coherent Legalist political vision and even its idea of law fa 法 or that has focused strictly on penalty, this study considers Fajia law and discipline not only viable categories for analysis, but also important conceptual products of the intensely competitive, bellicose political climate of the Warring States period. The central concern is with the character fa 法 in Fajia texts. Beginning with an analysis of the Book of Lord Shang's system of rewards, the study then examines how the use of the character fa 法 in this text distinguished itself from earlier usages and, hence, represents an important distinctly shared characteristic across Fajia texts generally. This shows that the Fajia system of rewards includes an important pedagogical aspect that requires the ruler's subjects to develop themselves for the sake of state development. Therefore, this study also evaluates the pedagogical value of Fajia rewards based on social scientific research on organismic learning. This pedagogical aspect of Fajia governance, the study argues, is the means through which the Fajia notion of law reinforces its cultural ideals of the state. ; 本文企圖考察在商君書(ca. 260 B.C. ‐ 233 B.C.)重要之一的方面:賞賜。以前的研究已經質疑連貫法家的政治思想,甚至其法律觀念鮮明特點的存在,或集中於嚴格刑罰的方面。可是這項研究認為法家的法律紀律的方面不只是可行的類別分析,還有法治觀念是戰國時期的競爭激烈,好戰的政治氣候的重要概念產品。最重要關注的是"法"字的意義在法家的文本。在開始本文分析商君書的獎勵系統。然後它探討如何在商君書中使用的"法"字,從早期的用途區分,以及它如何代表所有"法家"文本之間的一個重要的明顯特徵的共享。這表明,"法家"獎勵的系統包括一個重要的教學方面。它需要統治者的臣民來發展自己,為了國家的發展。因此,本文基於社會科學研究機體學習評估"法家"獎勵系統的教學價值。其實上,法家政治思想有這種教學方面的證明是強化了國家的文化理想的手段。 ; King, Brandon Russell. ; Thesis Ph.D. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2015. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 415-424). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Title from PDF title page (viewed on 11, October, 2016). ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
魏晉是中國古代史上最為複雜的時代之一,它的複雜不僅表現在政治上,也表現在學術層面。而魏晉時代在各種因素交織下所呈現出來的複雜程度,很難憑一條線索就梳理清楚。本文著眼於魏晉時代儒者處逸、隱士通經的特殊現象,在前人研究的基礎上,通過對魏晉隱逸的關注與分析,從而引發有關魏晉學術和政治文化的討論,希望藉此能對包括玄學發展衍化在內的一些問題產生新的理解。 ; 要詮釋上述這種儒者處逸、隱士通經的歷史現象,首先要對隱逸的起源和種類加以回顧和梳理,之後再對《晉書》傳中人物的具體情況作出分析。本文認為,「人物」、「學術」、「政治」之間可以構建一種兩兩相互作用的三角關係,通過分析這種關係,可以解釋一些歷史現象。因此本文的討論,主要集中在三個層面:第一,特定時代政治環境與學術背景的人物,「儒隱」現象是發生人物身上的現象,而這種現象可以從政治與學術兩方面尋求解釋。第二,政治人物的學術,這也包括了官方對不同學術的態度。第三,學術人物的政治,根據人物學術背景的不同──在本文的討論範圍中即以儒學與玄學二者為主──其在政治上的進退出處也不一樣。而在本文看來,當中又以魏晉玄學的作用最為顯著因此本文的許多論述都與玄學有關;同時也希望通過對作為隱逸背景的玄學的討論,為我們認識玄學提供一個新的視角。本文希望強調,從許多方面來看,玄學都是儒學的一支,儘管玄學的文本並不全是當時的傳統儒家經典。玄學在學術上的重要性,主要存在於其形成初期和南朝以後;而曹魏正始以後至東晉末年的這一歷史時段內,玄學更多地在政治上發揮著作用。但是,即使在玄學最具風采的時期,朝野各類人物依然以儒學為其學術底蘊。 ; Reclusion normally refers to people living in self-imposed isolation from the world, often for religious purposes. But it seemed to be a much more complicated matter in early medieval China, especially when there was a fusion between those scholar-officials and traditional reclusions, which used to commit disengagement under a more "simple" sort of motivation. From historical documents of that period, we started to see Ruists who were not interested in becoming politicians, and recluses who would knew awfully a lot about Ruism and even governing. Both kinds of people were valued and well respected in their time not only by common people but also lords and kings. ; After being recognized as the official guide of governing in Han Dynasty (206 BCE - 220 CE), the ideology of "Ruism" (Ruxue), or otherwise known as Confucianism, has been associated with the heavenly granted authority of emperorship, under which circumstance traditional "Ruists" (or Confucian scholars)have been following a path whereas scholarships would lead to bureaucratic positions. But this ideal path changed, for a while, for at least some Ruists, when the dynasty started to crumble around the beginning of the third century. Many scholars of Ruism started to choose to become practitioners of reclusion, instead of competing to become court-commissioned scholar-officials, ...
本文以明人對宦官態度轉變及其相應行動爲中心,著重從政治文化互動的角度,探討在明代君權專制強化而滋生發達宦官政治情況之下,士大夫如何因應這一政治結構和政治生態的變化,調整思維與行動的方式,施展和落實儒家的政治理想與目標的過程、言行表現及其意義。 ; 本文認爲明代中後期的士大夫在對待宦官態度與問題上,出現重要的轉變與調適,他們趨向於呼籲改變與宦官對立的關係,普遍強調宦官具備與常"人"一致的天性與善端,主張以引導和"教化"的方式令其從善。這一思維轉向的要義,是中晚明的士大夫在承認宦官官僚政治和認識宦官顯著角色及地位的基礎上,思考通過"改造"宦官進而改善政治。 ; 中晚明時期這股思維轉向更重要地表現為以"化宦"為中心内容的行動與實踐。對宦官讀書之所--内書堂重振的共識與努力以及撰作宦官教化用書,即是這一實踐的直接落實。中晚明人士在内書堂教育和撰作宦官教化書籍中,均重視以歷史和本朝歷史上的宦官善惡實例來強化宦官道德理想教育,感召和鼓勵其去惡向善、忠君愛國以及輔養君德。這是他們借"化宦"來"格君"的努力,是他們施展上層經世理想的表現和重要内容。 ; 在晚明集中出現的衆多宦官教化用書中,萬曆初王畿所作"化宦"書《中鑒錄》是一本對宦官有實際影響和感召力的著作。這與書中揚棄傳統偏見,尊重並同情宦官歷史,鼓勵他們具有常"人"的良知等情形密切關係。與之相反的個案則是張世則撰作的《貂璫史鑒》,以受到宦官排斥告終。其"成敗"視乎它們有否契合中晚明以來宦官在知識文化增廣之餘主體和自我意識提高的趨向。 ; 綜核本文討論所得,主要有以下三點認識。第一,明代士人與宦官的關係複雜多樣,不能以對抗與勾結的二元結構予以簡單處理。中晚明時期不斷出現的"化宦"思想和實踐顯示,士大夫傾向於覺得他們與宦官處於同一政治文化之中,並且有意強化已趨"一體"的向路。第二,在政治現實不利和政治空間有限的情況下,明代士大夫能務實而敏銳地利用"化宦"來"格君",可見他們不曾放棄得君行道的理想,熱情未減。這是政治與文化之間高度呼應、交互影響與滲透的應有真義和全貌。第三,儒家核心價值系統中的原則為後人改造世界提供精神和經典的來源。中晚明人士思考宦官具有"人"的面向與價值並將他們納入"有教無類"之中,顯示儒家價值系統只有回到現實政治與社會生活中並積極地予以回應,摸爬滾打中,才能得到充實和實踐。這是儒學實踐性的特點和要求。 ; This dissertation studies the attitudes and actions of scholar-officials to the eunuchs in the Ming dynasty. From the perspective of political and cultural interaction, it explores how scholar-officials coped with changes in the political structures and political ecologies in which eunuch politics became a major issue of government. It examines scholar-officials' thinking and action in dealing with the eunuchs while attempting to implement their political ideal when monarchical despotism reigned in Ming times. ; The study finds that there are important changes in scholar-officials' attitudes in mid and late Ming times. Instead of discrimination against eunuchs they tended to see eunuchs as their equal as human beings. They believed that eunuchs have similar human nature and humaneness as theirs, and advocated making them good imperial servants by moral and civil education. They adopted an approach that government improvement can be achieved by "transforming the eunuchs through a Confucian-based education and recognizing the eunuch's ...
