Suchergebnisse

The article presents the results of a study of the images of ideal political leaders playing different roles, carried out by the Departmetn of Sociology and Political Psychology, Faculty of Politics, Moscow State University, in 2019-2021. In the theoretical section, the author examines the representations of the ideal political leader in the context of the theory of political perception. In the empirical section, the author describes images of the ideal president, governor, and deputy of the State Duma. A comparative analysis of three types of images is carried out according to the degree of expression of personal and professional qualities, as well as their content. The images of ideal politicians have unique role characteristics as well as a set of universal qualities. Russians are primarily concerned about personal qualities of politicians, among which moral characteristics take first place and psychological qualities take second place. Respondents expect politicians to be professionals. People are interested least of all in leaders' appearances. The main source of images of ideal politicians' are traditions of Russian political culture and the situational context of political perception. Ideal images are influenced by perceptions of real politicians. Results can be used for advising electoral campaigns.

The image of a political leader through the eyes of modern youth is considered. The image of a politician is a reflection in the mass consciousness of an emotionally colored idea of politicians. A survey of young people aged 15 to 29 years who live permanently in Moscow was conducted. In order to create a portrait of an ideal political leader, respondents were offered several lists of qualities and characteristics that, in the opinion of young people, a modern politician should possess. It was determined the five main qualities of the "ideal politician": charisma, publicity, openness of personal life, views, availability of professional education, the ability to empathize, loyal attitude to subcultures and minorities. The study of the image of the ideal political leader allows building a dialogue with the youth audience and getting the material necessary for the formation of a positive image of a real politician. ; Рассмотрен образ политического лидера глазами современной молодежи. Образ политика – отражение в массовом сознании эмоционально окрашенного представления о политиках. Проведен опрос молодых людей в возрасте от 15 до 29 лет, проживающих постоянно в г. Москве. Для того, чтобы составить портрет идеального политического лидера респондентам предлагалось несколько списков качеств и характеристик, которыми, по мнению молодежи, должен обладать современный политик. Исследованы предпочтительная гендерная принадлежность и возраст политического деятеля. Определено пять основных качеств «идеального политика»: харизма, публичность, открытость личной жизни, взглядов, наличие профессионального образования, умение сопереживать, лояльное отношение к субкультурам и меньшинствам. Исследование образа идеального политического лидера позволяет выйти на диалог с молодежной аудиторией и получить материал, необходимый для формирования позитивного образа реального политика.

У пропонованій статті розглянуто проблему використання інтелектуальної спадщини видатного мислителя епохи Відродження Нікколо Макіавеллі (1469–1527), як інструменту підготовки нової політичної еліти України. Автори статті розглядають концепцію ідеального політичного лідера Н. Макіавеллі як модель виховання у політичного класу України якостей, що дозволять їй зберегти власну державність в умовах цивілізаційного протистояння. ; In the paper the problem of Ukrainian political elite renovation is examined. It is investigated the intellectual heritage of Niccolo Machiavelli (the prominent thinker of Renaissance) as an instrument of social transformation. The authors of the article consider Machiavelli's conception of ideal political leader as a model of developing in political class of Ukraine such qualities which could allow them to save independent state system in the conditions of civilization confrontation.

Intro -- Contents -- Foreword -- Preface -- 1. Studying Institutions and Leadership Comparatively -- 2. Politicians and Administrators in the Political Process: The Theoretical Issues -- 3. Institutios, national Cultures, and Political Leadership -- 4. CEOs' Interactions with Their Political Environment -- 5. The CEO's Activities and Role in Policy Making -- 6. CEOs as Political Advisors to Elected Officials -- 7. The Ideal Politician -- 8. The Influence of Local Governement Officials -- 9. Partnerships at the Apex of Local Gvoernement -- 10. Conclusion and Implications of the Study -- Technical Appendix -- Notes -- Referernces -- Index.

Analyzes the political class & professional politicians in Sweden. The professionalization of the Parliament -- the Riksdag -- & organizations (eg, political parties & interest groups) that comprise the Swedish political structure are discussed. An outline of the size & composition of the political class on both the local & national levels reveals that most professional politicians are in the Riksdag. Political recruitment, career paths, & remuneration are reviewed, with commentary on public opinion of political positions. The political class & changes in the political dynamics in Sweden are evaluated. 4 Tables, 6 Figures, 46 References. L. Collins Leigh

The 'ideal type' is Max Weber's hypothetical leading democratic politician, whom the author finds realized in Tony Blair. He is a politician emerging from no obvious mould, treading no well-beaten path to high office, and having few affinities of tone, character or style with his predecessors. He is the Outsider or Intruder, not belonging to the 'given' of British politics and dedicated to its transformation. Here is a timely critique of Blair's political persona as he presents himself to th

IF THE ZOOLOGISTS ARE TO BE BELIEVED, THIS WORLD appears very different to members of different species of animals. Flowers conceal patterns and markings that are visible only to insects; dogs inhabit a world reeking with enticing scents; the bats' Lebenswelt echoes with highly significant squeaks. Something rather similar is true of political animals as well. The political world that faces the true-blue Tory has contours different from those that present themselves to the militant socialist, while what the liberal sees as the manifest data of politics is different again. Each of them, contemplating the common political world, has his attention caught and held by certain phenomena beside which others fade into insignificance. It is not surprising, therefore, that each has resort to a different key concept to sum up his experience. For the ideal-typical conservative, the basic datum of political experience is the totality of the historic political community, the nation. Like Rousseau's patriot, from the moment he opens his eyes he sees his country, and to the day of his death he never sees anything else. The socialist, by contrast, his attention held by a different range of experiences, wonders how anyone can fad to recognize the importance of social classes and the rift between them, while the liberal in his turn suspects the others of being deliberately obtuse when they refuse to see that distinct and different individuals are the basic components of political reality.

Having an issue intensely publicly debated or heavily investigated by scientific means tells us that there is still a long way to go before actually knowing and understanding it; that this dubitative tension around it keeps it permanently in our focus of interest and research, and forces us towards its clarification. European identity is probably one of the most frequently discussed topics in the social sciences arena nowadays, but also one of the most fluid and insecure concepts that politicians, scientists or the civil society are trying to get a grip on.

It is customary to think of the ideal university president as being necessarily opposed to the methods and aims of the public politician. I f , as Thorstein Veblen argued, he adopts those methods and aims, he betrays the university and becomes, in effect, the head of a corporation or a minor state. It is the argument of this paper, however, that the president can lead and direct the University only if he accepts a political role, and strives to establish a high place for the university among public priorities. At the University of Toronto (and at other Canadian universities in varying degrees and in varying ways), the president was not able to play this political role until the great expansion of the 'sixties. Then, the need for long-range planning brought the presidents into the political arena. At the same time, internal stresses led to the creation of more representative governing bodies within the universities, and made the president a political figure who must strive to achieve a central alliance within the academic community. ; On a l'habitude de penser que le président d'université idéal soit nécessairement opposé aux méthodes et aux objectifs des politiciens publics. Si, tel qu 'a raisonné Thorstein Veblen, il adopte ces méthodes et ces objectifs, il trahit l'université et devient, en effet, le chef d'une corporation ou d'un état mineur. Cet essai, cependant, suit le raisonnement suivant: le président est en mesure de guider et de diriger l'université seulement s'il accepte un rôle politique et s'il oeuvre pour que l'on accorde à l'université un rang important parmi les priorités publiques.A l'Université de Toronto (ainsi qu 'à d'autres universités canadiennes à de divers degrés et dans de diverses façons), le président n 'avait pas été en mesure de jouer ce rôle politique jusqu 'au dévéloppement vaste et rapide des années 60. A ce moment-là, le besoin de planification à long terme a amené les présidents d'université dans l'arène politique. En même temps, les tensions internes ont mené la création des corps gouvernants plus représentatifs à l'intérieur de l'université et ont poussé le président à devenir un homme politique obligé d'oeuvrer pour la réalisation d'une alliance centrale à l'intérieur de la communauté académique.

In traditional cost-benefit analyses of public projects, every citizen's willingness to pay for a project is given an equal weight. This is sometimes taken to imply that cost-benefit analysis is a democratic method for making public decisions, as opposed to, for example, political processes involving log-rolling and lobbying from interest groups. Politicians are frequently criticized for not putting enough emphasis on the cost-benefit analyses when making decisions. In this paper we discuss the extent to which using cost-benefit analysis to rank public projects is consistent with Dahl's (1989) criteria for democratic decision-making. We find several fundamental conflicts, both when cost-benefit analysis is used to provide final answers about projects' social desirability, and when used only as informational input to a political process. Our conclusions are illustrated using data from interviews with Norwegian politicians.

The widespread revival of natural law theories among jurists of the Continent & of the US should be a matter of interest to pol sci'ts & sociol'ts. A distinction is drawn between the 'ideal' natural law of the 18th cent, which purported by the use of reason to lay down a detailed universal code of laws for all time, & the revived classical natural law which sought for broad principles derived from experience of reality. The argument that broad principles of natural law are futile, because they provide no guide for the solution of particular problems, is met by showing that positive law, which operates effectively, has also to apply broad principles to concrete situations, an application which calls for discretion & not mere logical subsumption. Jurists, recognizing that natural law should be based on experience, also seek for a sociol of law. The empirical study of 'legal behavior has already made progress: its ultimate task is the description of the operation both of 'power' & of the 'sentiment of justice'.' (AA-IPSA).