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Discusses the possibility, meaning, & definition of a prospective supranational identity, a concept assuming greater importance at the close of the 20th century. A primary focus of the analysis is on subjective interpretations of supranationality, eg, the correlation between supranationality & group identity. In an attempt to determine whether a true supranational identity actually exists, the elements that compose such an identity are defined: interdependence, normative universalism, global outlook, & world order. It is concluded that a supranational identity is not only extant, but necessary. 27 References. Adapted from the source document.

Using Quentin Skinner's & John Pocock's methodological guidelines, the author argues that the topic of the text by Pavao Ritter Vitezovic, Ozivljena Hrvatska (The Revived Croatia) is identity. The text establishes ethnic identity &, at the same time, provides the "tools" for the future "constructors of the nation" in their creation of national identity. Because of this, the author suggests that Vitezovic, due to the subject he covered -- ie, identity -- should be considered as part of the Croatian political science tradition. 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author starts from Kuhn's division into Western civic nationalism & Eastern ethnic nationalism as a continuum along which a population is distributed. He claims that ethnic identification cannot be analyzed outside its political context & historical circumstances. Thus after the first phase of the ethnic revival following the collapse of communism in Croatia, we have witnessed how the civic component seeped into the ethnic identification. The author claims that the commitment to the Yugoslav idea in the former Yugoslavia was a multifunctional phenomenon that served also as a means of avoiding a narrow ethnic identification. With the collapse of Yugoslavia, the Yugoslav idea in Croatia reemerged as the civic identity that replaced the ethnic identity. The difference stemmed from modern Western political discourse & penetrated the processes of identification. The civic identification was an equivalent to the Yugoslav idea as it enabled people to distance themselves from the narrow ethnic identification & the sweeping ethnic revival in Croatia's first postcommunist phase. This served as an escape from the minority status just like the former commitment to the Yugoslav idea. 5 Tables, 50 References. Adapted from the source document.

Focuses on the ethnic structure & the system of protecting the rights of national minorities in an ethnically plural Slovenia. According to the 1991 census, 87.8% of the country's population is Slovenian, & the rest are Croats, Serbs, Muslims, Italians, Hungarians, Romanies, members of other smaller ethnic groups, ethnically uncommitted persons, & individuals with regional identities. The Slovenian Constitution guarantees to all individuals, not only to Slovenian citizens, the right to expression & protection of ethnic identity. In line with the Constitution, the author distinguishes several basic categories of ethnic communities: the Slovenian people, the autochthonous minorities (Hungarians & Italians), the Romanies, the nonautochthonous (immigrant) minority groups whose members are Slovenian citizens, &, finally, the members of immigrant groups who are not Slovenian citizens. The Slovenian concept of the protection of autochthonous minority communities guarantees to the members of these minorities collective & individual rights. Their political representation in the Slovenian national parliament is guaranteed. The ethnic community of Romanies enjoys a high level of protection of their minority rights, allowing for a number of specific features of their social structure & taking into consideration their territorial dispersion & a low level of organization. The rights of the nonautochthonous ethnic communities are protected in a somewhat lesser degree. The author concludes that in Slovenia the constitutional & legal protection of ethnic minorities & their members is exemplary & can serve as a model to other countries. 1 Table, 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

Focuses on the ethnic structure & the system of protecting the rights of national minorities in an ethnically plural Slovenia. According to the 1991 census, 87.8% of the country's population is Slovenian, & the rest are Croats, Serbs, Muslims, Italians, Hungarians, Romanies, members of other smaller ethnic groups, ethnically uncommitted persons, & individuals with regional identities. The Slovenian Constitution guarantees to all individuals, not only to Slovenian citizens, the right to expression & protection of ethnic identity. In line with the Constitution, the author distinguishes several basic categories of ethnic communities: the Slovenian people, the autochthonous minorities (Hungarians & Italians), the Romanies, the nonautochthonous (immigrant) minority groups whose members are Slovenian citizens, &, finally, the members of immigrant groups who are not Slovenian citizens. The Slovenian concept of the protection of autochthonous minority communities guarantees to the members of these minorities collective & individual rights. Their political representation in the Slovenian national parliament is guaranteed. The ethnic community of Romanies enjoys a high level of protection of their minority rights, allowing for a number of specific features of their social structure & taking into consideration their territorial dispersion & a low level of organization. The rights of the nonautochthonous ethnic communities are protected in a somewhat lesser degree. The author concludes that in Slovenia the constitutional & legal protection of ethnic minorities & their members is exemplary & can serve as a model to other countries. 1 Table, 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

Nenad Miscevic's Nationalism and Beyond: Introducing Moral Debate about Values (New York: CEU Press, 2001) is reviewed. Of the book's three parts, part 1 describes nationalism as a political program; part 2 discusses the relationship between culture, identity, & tradition; & part 3 proposes cosmopolitanism as an alternative to nationalism. The review focuses on Miscevic's debunking of the intellectual, political, cultural, & moral arguments advanced by proponents in favor of nationalism; the various arguments are presented & Miscevic's criticism is supported. It is concluded that the author's ethical-political argumentation against nationalism is very convincing, but his treatment of the relationship between the individual & society seems to be too general & perfunctory. 2 References. Z. Dubiel

The author distinguishes four levels of integration: regional, national, European, & global. The identity issue occurs at the national & European levels. National identities are subject to constant change, particularly in Europe, dominated by the processes of integration & globalization. Today, the new identities of European states emerge from "the vertical confrontation" (with the "higher order" identity), & not from the "horizontal relations" with other nations. Culture is essential in the development of a common European identity. The new European identity is not going to isolate Europe from the rest of the world. As a matter of fact, the European integration is but a single step in the direction of the global integration, & European identity a stage in achieving the fourth identity level.

By "collective" human rights we understand the ones that belong to a collective. We should distinguish the individual rights, which can be exercised only collectively (suffrage). The demands for "collective" human rights lead to misconceptions & explanatory problems since the universal, egalitarian, & categorical postulate of human rights cannot be equally valid for collectives & individuals. Thus, the protection of minorities' interests can be solely procured by adopting a restricted definition of individual human rights, which necessitates more & better respected social human rights. In some cases, collective rights were designed to protect endangered minorities but were justified by means of equalizing fairness. However, such collective rights are not possible at the level of human rights; they are regulated by special by-laws at the state level. Thus, they are restricted by the requirement that they do not violate individual human rights. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the denotative, the connotative, & the metrical meaning of the term national feeling. Then he goes on to talk about the national feeling of Croats who used to have many problems connected with national identification. Their patriotism was channeled towards the creation of their own state. Because of that they were accused of nationalism, chauvinism, & genocidal tendencies. Despite that, they opted for a state of their own, managed to defend it from the armed aggression of a numerically & technically incomparably stronger enemy, thanks to social integration brought about by patriotism & love of country. However, owing to the constant pressure, the national feeling was accompanied by a feeling of guilt so that one fraction of Croats adopted the negative national identification. 2 Tables, 3 Graphs, 14 References. Adapted from the source document.

The text poses the question: Does GB need a "written" or an "unwritten" constitution? The main issues in the text are the participants in the constitutional debate, certain constitutional reform proposals, the tenor of the debate on a "British" constitution, & certain consequences ensuing from adopting a "written" constitution for one of the oldest world democracies. The author suggests that the circumstances & the motivational force of national identity in GB are not yet ready for the revolution of the written constitution. Adapted from the source document.

By "collective" human rights we understand the ones that belong to a collective. We should distinguish the individual rights, which can be exercised only collectively (suffrage). The demands for "collective" human rights lead to misconceptions & explanatory problems since the universal, egalitarian, & categorical postulate of human rights cannot be equally valid for collectives & individuals. Thus, the protection of minorities' interests can be solely procured by adopting a restricted definition of individual human rights, which necessitates more & better respected social human rights. In some cases, collective rights were designed to protect endangered minorities but were justified by means of equalizing fairness. However, such collective rights are not possible at the level of human rights; they are regulated by special by-laws at the state level. Thus, they are restricted by the requirement that they do not violate individual human rights. Adapted from the source document.