Suchergebnisse

The aim of this short paper is to show that the relations between Ukraine and Russia are extremely complex as they are built on a shared history, religion, language, and culture and they should not, therefore, be gauged by Western standards. Evaluating the current situation from a broader perspective, the fact that Ukraine plays a significant role in Russia's foreign policy needs to be emphasized. Ukraine is considered the key post-Soviet state, a significant "near abroad" country, whose position, potential, and geopolitical location are vital for the balance of power in both Eastern Europe and Europe in general. The research project aims at a synthetic examination of the current Russia-Ukraine war from the point of view of Ukraine striving for full independence, memory, and identity. Will the war of the brotherly nations wreck Russia's long-term policy towards Ukraine? Will the conflict ruin Russia's plans of post-Soviet space reintegration, whose pivot is set on Ukraine? Will the war stimulate Ukraine to deal with the issue of its identity, post-Soviet legacy, and collective memory?

The article presents the influence of globalisation on identity and the question of individualisation. Globalisation implies multiple processes that are not uniform, as they occur at different times and in different places. Globalisation impacts the youth, families and cultural systems. The processes of globalisation may contribute to the loss of cultural identity. The diverse nature of globalisation has given rise to new identities. Identity is defined as a process of internal and external adjustment. Concurrently, the challenges posed by globalisation are presented, for instance: identity and freedom of individualisation versus community and belonging. The author explores some of the new challenges and trends, presenting them from selected theoretical perspectives.

The paper shows some aspects of 'border identity' of the two Spanish cities-exclaves: Ceuta and Melilla. It analyses the multicultural dimensions of coexistence between Muslim (Moroccan) and Spanish populations. The article refers to some political, social and economic challenges: Moroccan revindication policy, growing number of Muslim communities, illegal migration, the phenomenon of violent radicalization inspired by the jihadi ideology etc. In this context, the paper focuses on the most important elements of 'the border identity' which are crucial to further the understanding of social problems in these cities. The methodological
analysis is based on the integration of historical and system methods as well as scientific research and investigation conducted in Spain. Regarding some integration and inclusion efforts there are still unsolved social and economic problems that may have infl uence on the coexistence of different ethnocultural communities in the future.

The Christian Democrats (Kristdemokraterna – KD) are a member of the current Swedish coalition government and at the same time one of the youngest relevant parties in the Swedish party system. The article below deals with an identity analysis of the KD and employs the concept of party family to frame the analysis of the party's programme. The paper also includes a description of the genesis of the KD and the party's position within the Swedish political party system. The article concludes with the observation that the KD can continue to be classified as a member of the Christian-democratic party family despite the fact that elements of the KD's programme can more often be found in the programmes of parties of other party families.

The theme is crucial to the concrete question, whether moravian identity really exists. It´s about phenomena which is natural and important for some parts of population or on the other hand we can see this identity as the artificial problem. The main goal is connecting with results from the field work. I would like to explain something about moravian political elites according to the non-political activism. It´s also necessary to mark historical processes which are important for present time. The polemic should have done some reflexive view on regionalism, activation of moravian elites and civic movements. ; The theme is crucial to the concrete question, whether moravian identity really exists. It´s about phenomena which is natural and important for some parts of population or on the other hand we can see this identity as the artificial problem. The main goal is connecting with results from the field work. I would like to explain something about moravian political elites according to the non-political activism. It´s also necessary to mark historical processes which are important for present time. The polemic should have done some reflexive view on regionalism, activation of moravian elites and civic movements.

The article deals with the interpretations of development aid that can be found in the Slovak official development discourse. From the theoretical point of view, I build on the social-constructivist approach to the study of international relations as well as on the conceptualization of the logic of appropriateness and the logic of consequences as put forward by March and Olsen (1989). In the first part of the article, I address the theoretical and methodological issues of the research. In the following parts, I analyze official documents of the Slovak ODA policy and my own interviews with its stakeholders with a focus on the different interpretations and logics of action behind the policy. In the concluding part, I summarize the main research findings. Adapted from the source document.

The paper aims to explain the development of the perception of national identity of the Christian Democratic Party (CDU), the strongest German political party in the past few decades. The paper focuses on election manifestos for the 1990, 1994, 1998, 2002, 2005, and 2009 elections. For this purpose, each manifesto is examined according to up to five analytical categories – such as values, nation, Europe, threats, and society. These categories explore the party's perception in a wider context instead of focusing only on direct references to national identity. The analysed period was divided into three phases with an emphasis on the internal crisis between the years 1998 and 2002. The crisis influenced policy priorities; therefore the perceptions of elements belonging to national identity were changed in order i) to gain victory in the general elections in 2002 and 2005, and ii) to reflect properly the state of German society. Therefore, significant policy shifts were made. These policy changes show how the party successfully integrated societal demands and preferences over the past decade. Thank to this, the CDU incorporated both conservative and liberal elements. This is evident in the case of incorporating liberal elements such as homosexual partnerships while, at the same time, actively stressing the importance of defending national interests. ; The paper aims to explain the development of the perception of national identity of the Christian Democratic Party (CDU), the strongest German political party in the past few decades. The paper focuses on election manifestos for the 1990, 1994, 1998, 2002, 2005, and 2009 elections. For this purpose, each manifesto is examined according to up to five analytical categories – such as values, nation, Europe, threats, and society. These categories explore the party's perception in a wider context instead of focusing only on direct references to national identity. The analysed period was divided into three phases with an emphasis on the internal crisis between the years 1998 ...