Suchergebnisse

The article analyzes the formation of the united European identity within European Union. The approaches to definition of the national and European identities are considered from the perspective of such theorists like Benedict Anderson, Jurgen Habermas etc. The authors made an attempt to describe the main functions of identity, as well as to mark out the main markers of identity, which con-tribute to substitution of the national identity for the European one for citizens of EU and contribute to its spread. ; В статье проведен анализ формирования единой европейской идентичности в рамках Европейского союза. Рассматриваются подходы к определению национальной и европейской идентичности у таких теоретиков, как Бенедикт Андерсон, Юрген Хабермас и др. Авторы предприняли попытку описать основные функции идентичности, а также выделить основные маркеры идентичности, которые способствуют замене национальной идентичности на европейскую для граждан ЕС и способству- ют ее распространению.

The article is devoted to the development of the modern politics of identity construction in Japan, which actively refers to the practice of designing self-image in international relations. This trend dates back to the 19th century, when there was the end of Sakoku (Japan's policy of isolation). It is now possible to talk about the institutionalization of the identity construction policy to organized structures and regulations. Enhanced efforts in the field of Japanese traditional and popular culture, education and creative content has led to a number of institutions appearance (like Japan Foundation Fund, Japan Creative Agency, Japan Culture Fund, Agency for Cultural Affairs, Cool Japan Fund, Japan brand Fund) and changing idea about the role of culture in foreign policy realization (it is fixed the documents of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry), as well as a number of projects (Cool Japan, Visit Japan, Japan Culture Power, Japan Manga Awards, Kawaii Ambassadors, Cosplay International Fest and etc.). These efforts are aimed at forming Japan identity abroad to solve a number of foreign policy challenges of the future and the development of economic cooperation. The Japanese government nearest plans is to increase funding in order to create a positive image of Japan in the region of East Asia. All of these allows us to speak about the policy of the Japanese construction of identity as an institutionalized process in which there was clearance of organizations and regulatory activities.

Lion Feuchtwanger worked on his Success from 1927 till 1930 on having left Munich, the capital of Bavaria, for Berlin. There were a lot of problems in the writer's relationships with Bavaria where he had lived for 41 years and it was necessary to express them in the literary form. Success is a traumatic narrative in which Bavaria trauma is worked trough. The novel's various conflicts are generally based, firstly, on the opposition of Bavarians and non-Bavarians and, secondly, on the opposition of "Wahrhaft Deutschen" (these are Nazi) and the world of reason. In this article the author considers these conflicts in their connection with the Bavarian's identity. She analyzes the Bavarian identity in Success not as the national but as the provincial one because the Bavarians do not stand against other nations, they stand against the central government. Provincial identity includes four components, namely, the cognitive, the axiological, the emotional and the regulative ones. The cognitive component of the Bavarian identity is made of geographical conceptualization and of the idea about Bavaria as an agricultural region. The axiological aspect includes some peculiarities of the novel's Bavarian characters. They all have such characteristics as conservatism and hostility towards progress, dislike of real art, aggressiveness towards "interlopers", value of a surplus body. Unified emotional standards govern the Bavarians' behavior, and the intensity of their emotional reactions is much higher than the non-Bavarians' one. While making decisions the Bavarians mostly rely on their emotions and not on their reason. The regulative component of the Bavarian identity includes many behavior practices. These are: the habit not to use reason regularly and actively, various physiological activities, eating a lot of food, propensity to violence. Almost all the aspects of the Bavarian identity exemplified in the novel's Bavarian characters are also important for the "Wahrhaft Deutschen" leaders and followers; this political movement is definitely related to the Bavarian identity, for it was Bavaria where it appeared and got grassroots support. The conflict of the Bavarian and the non-Bavarian worlds is surely related to the specific Bavarian identity, namely, to the differences in the axiological and regulative fields and aggressiveness towards "interlopers". Moreover, the conflict of "Wahrhaft Deutschen" and the other world is also caused by particularities of the Bavarian identity because their ideas and practices make up its grotesque version. © 2020 Tomsk State University. All rights reserved.

The article investigates the identity of the person in modern social and cultural space, and the effect that has on the process of designing a model of its "Own I" of modern information technology. The author analyzes the reasons for the formation of a fictitious identity simulative, defines mechanisms and specificity of self-identification in the "network society". The article describes the circumstances that have a significant impact on the process of finding the identity of the person and its inclusion in social reality. The relevance of the topic due to the complex problem situations arising as to the individual and to society in general.

Migration crisis that shook the European countries in 2015, seriously affected the development of political processes in the EU. However, to recognize the movement of large masses of people to Europe from Syria and neighboring areas, as only consequences of the "Arab Spring", acts of ISIL or search for better life, seem to be in correct. Those events were provoked by the revitalization processes in Islam and the attempts of the traditional oriental society to respond to external challenges. The author, basing his ideal on opinions of the Constructivists about the importance of identity's indicators (largely based on religion) to all social and political institutions and processes, believes that such a large-scale migration has become possible due to the overlapping of two civilizational paradigms: search by Muslims of their identity and the identity crisis in the modern European society.

Historically the gagauz developed a self-perception based on their difference from Moldova as well as the 'Turkish world'. The article argues that this fact has determined their pro-Russian political orientation as the only possible way of maintaining their identity. ; Исторически у гагаузов сложилось понимание себя как элемента чуждого и государству Молдова, и абстрактному тюркскому миру, что сделало пророссийский путь развития единственно возможным для сохранения собственной идентичности.

The article comments on the concept of «socialism with Chinese specificity», which forms the ideological basis of the «Chinese miracle». The ideological origins of this concept, starting with Confucianism, are revealed. It has evolved to become increasingly pragmatic and to adapt to the realities of national and global development. The relation of this concept with the Marxist concept of socialism is shown. The article substantiates the fundamental theoretical thesis that in the objective-essential sense (in the elimination of, in particular, national specifics) Chinese society is a transitional form to socialism (a certain analogue of the Soviet society of the NEP period). The author talks about a «heterogeneous», «mixed» socio-economic system, the vector and nature of the future evolution of which will depend crucially on the strategic course of the CPC.

The article considers factors determining the peculiarities of the integration processes in Iraqi Kurdistan. The formation of Iraqi Kurdistan as a social-political community was determined by the growth of national consciousness of the population of the autonomy, and by accelerating processes of self-determination under the influence of a number of external and internal reasons. The national identity of the Iraqi Kurds as a part of the Kurdish people is based on the same historical background, language, and culture, on the mental attribution of the Kurds to the single group, which is explained not only by historical facts, but also by a specific worldview and myths sometimes divorced from reality but rooted in the collective representations. The external pressure of direct aggression and political enforcement to the assimilation plays a key role in the consolidation of the Iraqi Kurds and in the growth of their national self-determination: the resistance to the common enemy strengthens the national identity of the Iraqi Kurds. The author examines factors both general for all the Kurds and specific for Iraqi Kurdistan, i.e. the strengthening of the common form of language through the education, literature and media institutions, and the development of economic relations and civil and political institutions, which is due to the autonomy status of Iraqi Kurdistan. The article identifies and examines objective reasons preventing intensive integration processes in the community of Iraqi Kurds, which are, on the one hand, the influence of the external forces including neighbor states, transnational corporations, the authorities of Baghdad, and the growing military aggression of the armed terrorist groups; on the other hand, the slowdown of integration processes inside Iraqi Kurdistan are due to the internal contradictions in the autonomy determined by the features of the social and political structure of the Kurd society, such as tribalism, immaturity of the political system, and ethnic and religious diversity.

Identity is a constant sign of social groups in peace and stability, but it is problematic in times of crisis (war, revolution, civil conflict, social crisis, etc.) when community is aware not only who he is, but also rethinking who it wants or should be. Especially when an enemy appears, or at least «the image of theenemy». Identity is the birth of a political subjectivity in a community that is geopolitically considered anobject of international relations. In the literature, the cliché has already become a kind of statement about the fact that Ukraine is an object and not a subject of international relations, a change card in foreign geopolitical games. That is, the self-consciousness of the nation is worthless and does not affect anything. To refute this statement is the main purpose of this article. The objective of the article is to integrate, unbiased, objective analysis of the formation of the Ukrainian political nation, conducted from different points of view. In this regard, the article consists three parts, devoted to three different aspects of the problem: a purely geopolitical review of the works of the most well-known and influential scholars on the problem of Ukrainian-Russian relations after the revolutionary events in Ukraine and their futurological predictions; identity problems associated with the war on the Donbass; the influence of modern mass media into the formation of the ideology of the hybrid war and the hybrid world. The theoretical basis of the article is based, first of all, on the geopolitical postulates of freedom from ethical assessments and, on the contrary, the importance of geographical dates. The search and articulation of these data is the main scientific novelty of the article. In many respects, we relied on the methodology of geopolitical analysis introduced by John Friedman and Samuel Huntington, and tried to combine their positions into acoherent and holistic picture. The main conclusions of the work can be summarized in approximately these theses. Culture, not just politics and geography, matters. Identity is not a constant, it is a variable and super-complicated construct, aimed more for the future than the past. The ideology of nationalism can be both useful in the process of becoming a nation and state creation, and erroneous when it contradicts thepicture of the post-modern world of the XXI century and the principles of democracy. ; Идентичность представляет собой устоявшуюся самооценку социальной группы или общности в условиях мира и стабильности, но она проблематизируется в кризисных условиях (война, революция, социальный кризис и т. п.). Часто идентичность связана с появлением врага или хотя бы «образа врага». В рамках статьи идентичность рассматривается как рождение политической субъектности (политической нации) в обществе, которое многие геополитики считают объектом международных отношений. Мы стремимся опровергнуть это мнение. Задачей статьи является непредвзятый и объективный анализ становления украинской политической нации, проведенный в разных аспектах (геополитика, война, медиа). ; Ідентичність є сталою ознакою соціальних груп за умов миру та стабільності, але вона проблематизується в кризових умовах (війна, революція, громадянський конфлікт, соціальна криза тощо), коли людина усвідомлює не лише те, ким вона є, але й переосмислює те, ким вона хоче або має бути. Тоді, коли з'являється ворог, або хоча б «образ ворога». Ідентичність є народженням політичної суб'єктності в спільноті, яку геополітично вважають об'єктом міжнародних відносин. Улітературі вже стало своєрідним кліше висловлювання стосовно того, що Україна – об'єкт, а не суб'єкт міжнародних відносин, розмінна карта у чужих геополітичних іграх. Тобто самосвідомість нації нічого не варта й ні на що не впливає. Спростувати це твердження і є головною метою даної статті. Завдання статті полягає в цілісному, неупередженому, об'єктивному аналізі становлення української політичної нації, проведеному на ґрунті різних поглядів. У зв'язку з цим стаття складається з трьох частин, які присвячені трьом різним аспектам проблеми: суто геополітичний огляд робіт найбільш знаних і впливових науковців на проблему україно-російських відносин після революційних подій в Україні та їхні футурологічні прогнози; проблеми ідентичності, пов'язані з війною на Донбасі; вплив сучасних мас-медіа на формування ідеології гібридної війни та гібридного миру. Теоретичний базис статті ґрунтується передусім на геополітичних постулатах свободи від етичних оцінок та, натомість, важливості географічних даностей. Пошук і артикуляція цих даностей і складає головну наукову новизну статті. Багато в чому ми спиралися на методологію геополітичного аналізу, запровадженому Джоном Фрідманом та Самюелем Гантінгтоном, інамагалися поєднати їхні позиції у цілісну та несуперечливу картину. Основні висновки роботи можна підсумовувати приблизно у таких тезах. Культура, а не лише політика й географія, має значення. Ідентичність не є константою, вона є змінюваним і надскладним конструктом, націленим більше на майбутнє, ніж на минуле. Ідеологія націоналізму може бути як корисною в процесі становлення нації та державотворення, так і помилковою, коли вона суперечить картині світу пост-постмодерного світу XXI сторіччя та засадам демократії.

The empirical study featured content-related characteristics of civic identity in university students. According to constructivist approach, civic identity is a cognitive-value formation shaped in the process of personal development. It manifests itself in the subjective significance of one's nationality. Its structure consists of cognitive (meaningful), affective (emotional-evaluative), and behavioral components. The cognitive component was the first stage in the present study of students' civic identity conducted in February 2020. The authors used a Citizen's Questionnaire developed by O. S. Deyneka and analyzed essays "Russia is My Country". The analysis revealed the structure of the substantial component of civic identity: the image of the state, government, fellow citizens, an ideal citizen, etc., and ideas about Russian values, environment, culture, history, etc. The data obtained gave reason to believe that civic identity has worldview, social, and territorial foundations. The respondents admired the nature, territory, and historical achievements of Russia, while the image of the state, fellow citizens, and authorities belonged to problematic representations. The present research can help to develop new technologies for the support of civic identity at university. ; Статья посвящена описанию результатов эмпирического исследования содержательных характеристик гражданской идентичности студентов. Исходя из методологии конструктивистского подхода, гражданская идентичность понимается как формирующееся в процессе личностного развития когнитивно-ценностное образование, выражающееся в субъективной значимости своей гражданской принадлежности, в структуре которого выделяются когнитивный (содержательный), аффективный (эмоционально-оценочный) и поведенческий компоненты. Изучение когнитивной составляющей гражданской идентичности студентов является первым этапом исследования ее актуального состояния. Исследование проходило в феврале 2020 г., для сбора данных использовались опрос (анкетирование, методика «Опросник гражданина» О. С. Дейнека) и анализ документов (контент-анализ сочинений «Моя страна Россия»). В результате была описана структура содержательного компонента гражданской идентичности, включающая образ государства, власти, сограждан, модельный образ гражданина, представления о ценностях, природной среде, культуре и истории России. Полученные данные дают основание утверждать, что гражданская идентичность имеет мировоззренческие, социальные и средовые основания. Наиболее позитивно респондентами оцениваются природа, территория и исторические достижения России, к проблемным представлениям относятся образ государства, сограждан, власти. Изучение содержательных оснований гражданской идентичности является необходимым этапом разработки технологий ее сопровождения в процессе обучения.

The article is devoted to the analysis of essence, the contents, formation and development of ethnic identity of the personality (community). The problem of formation of ethnic identity is considered. Complexity and diversity of this process is shown. The advantage of article is the analysis of a wide range of factors and a determinant of formation of ethnic identity. The author refers to them ethnic socialization in a family and in society in general, influence of historical memory, social and economic, political and spiritual factors of life of society. ; Этническая идентичность рассмотрена как сложное и многоаспектное социальное явление, которое характеризуется осознанием индивидом (группой) своей принадлежности к определённой этнической общности, пониманием, оцениванием и переживанием своего членства в ней. Показана сложность и многоплановость процесса формирования этнической идентичности. Достоинством статьи является анализ широкого спектра факторов и детерминант формирования этнической идентичности. Автор относит к ним этническую социализацию в семье и в обществе в целом, влияние исторической памяти, социально-экономических, политических и духовных факторов жизни общества.

The article is devoted to actual problems of modern education - the formation of the national identity of children and young people, based on the values of national culture and its cultural and historical foundation - Orthodoxy, in particular Orthodox family.

Цель. Авторы ставят целью выделить и проанализировать свойственные британскому политическому лидеру Терезе Мэй лексические средства реализации национальной идентичности, с помощью которых политиком решаются коммуникативные задачи.Метод и методология исследования. Основными методами исследования данной работы являются сопоставительный, лингвистический и описательный.Результаты. С лингвистической точки зрения британская национальная идентичность выражается скорее через лексику, подчеркивающую политические и этические ценностно-ориентированные качества, которые считаются традиционными для данной страны, чем через характерные национальные признаки.Область применения результатов. Результаты исследования могут быть применены в области политической лингвистики, культурологи и риторики. ; Purpose. The article deals with analyzing the linguistic ways of modelling the notion of national identity in the British political discourse. The analysis of the speech, delivered by British Prime Minister Theresa May, helps to identify a set of strategies used to perform her communicative tasks.Methodology. The comparative, linguistic and descriptive methods are used as basic methods of the survey.Results. In terms of linguistics the British national identity is expressed through a vocabulary, showing the political values and values based on ethics, which are considered traditional for this country, rather than through characteristic national features.Practical implications. Research results can be applied in political linguistics, cultural science and rhetoric.