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The aim of this short paper is to show that the relations between Ukraine and Russia are extremely complex as they are built on a shared history, religion, language, and culture and they should not, therefore, be gauged by Western standards. Evaluating the current situation from a broader perspective, the fact that Ukraine plays a significant role in Russia's foreign policy needs to be emphasized. Ukraine is considered the key post-Soviet state, a significant "near abroad" country, whose position, potential, and geopolitical location are vital for the balance of power in both Eastern Europe and Europe in general. The research project aims at a synthetic examination of the current Russia-Ukraine war from the point of view of Ukraine striving for full independence, memory, and identity. Will the war of the brotherly nations wreck Russia's long-term policy towards Ukraine? Will the conflict ruin Russia's plans of post-Soviet space reintegration, whose pivot is set on Ukraine? Will the war stimulate Ukraine to deal with the issue of its identity, post-Soviet legacy, and collective memory?

The article presents the influence of globalisation on identity and the question of individualisation. Globalisation implies multiple processes that are not uniform, as they occur at different times and in different places. Globalisation impacts the youth, families and cultural systems. The processes of globalisation may contribute to the loss of cultural identity. The diverse nature of globalisation has given rise to new identities. Identity is defined as a process of internal and external adjustment. Concurrently, the challenges posed by globalisation are presented, for instance: identity and freedom of individualisation versus community and belonging. The author explores some of the new challenges and trends, presenting them from selected theoretical perspectives.

The paper shows some aspects of 'border identity' of the two Spanish cities-exclaves: Ceuta and Melilla. It analyses the multicultural dimensions of coexistence between Muslim (Moroccan) and Spanish populations. The article refers to some political, social and economic challenges: Moroccan revindication policy, growing number of Muslim communities, illegal migration, the phenomenon of violent radicalization inspired by the jihadi ideology etc. In this context, the paper focuses on the most important elements of 'the border identity' which are crucial to further the understanding of social problems in these cities. The methodological
analysis is based on the integration of historical and system methods as well as scientific research and investigation conducted in Spain. Regarding some integration and inclusion efforts there are still unsolved social and economic problems that may have infl uence on the coexistence of different ethnocultural communities in the future.

The article describes narrative construction of identity by immigrants settled in Poland, who do not want to apply for citizenship of the receiving country. The reasons of their disinterest in the Polish citizenship include: obtaining an intermediate status (permanent residence), prohibition of dual citizenship in the country of origin, administrative difficulties associated with naturalisation in Poland. The lack of Polish citizenship does not exclude new national identity connected with the receiving country. Status and biographical experiences of the explored group do not support a static, stable vision of national belonging. In the denizens' narratives, it is the cultural competences and length of stay in the country that decide about identity and connection to the sending or receiving country. Being an immigrant, even in the cases of long-term migration, means continuous negotiation between the connection with the country of origin and the new identity developed in the receiving country. ; Artykuł opisuje narracyjne konstruowanie tożsamości przez osiadłych w Polsce wieloletnich imigrantów, którzy spełniają kryteria naturalizacji, ale nie chcą starać się o obywatelstwo państwa przyjmującego. Wśród przyczyn rezygnacji z polskiego obywatelstwa najczęściej wymieniają uzyskanie statusu pośredniego (karty stałego pobytu), a także zakaz posiadania podwójnego obywatelstwa w państwie pochodzenia oraz trudności biurokratyczne towarzyszące naturalizacji w Polsce. Nie wyklucza to jednak nowej tożsamości narodowej związanej z krajem przyjmującym. Status i doświadczenia biograficzne badanych nie wspierają stabilnej, statycznej wizji przynależności narodowej. W narracjach denizenów to kompetencje kulturowe oraz okres pobytu w danym kraju ujmowane są jako czynniki kształtujące tożsamość i przywiązanie do państwa wysyłającego lub przyjmującego. Bycie na emigracji, nawet wieloletniej i osiedleńczej, oznacza jednak stałe negocjowanie pomiędzy utożsamianiem się z krajem pochodzenia a nową tożsamością wynikającą z zakorzenienia w społeczeństwie przyjmującym.

The subjectivity of human - being and the "J" consciousness have been the subject of reflection for many moralists, theologians, philosophers, psychologists and sociologists as well. One of the reasons of using the word "identity" in the political science language, among others, is its usefulness in many analyses of interactions among subjects of political life. The "national" identity plays a special role in this process. The determinants of identity are symbols, rules, and behaviour, which are a requisite of the sense of community. One year after the EU accession the author analyses some phenomena in Poland in the context of national feelings and their possible transformations in the direction of European society. Analysing the origins of Polish identity and its factors in a new geopolitical situation, the author estimates the essence and character of changes in the Polish society, and studies the possibility of changes in the Polish national consciousness - "a citizen of united Europe".

International audience ; The supranational identity concepts and their perception among nations constitute one of the determinants of the integration and disintegration processes in the post-Soviet area. One of these concepts is Turkism – an attempt to create identity foundation for the integration of the post-Soviet states under the aegis of Turkey. This paper analyzes the evolution of its principal assumptions and goals, dimensions of its realization, as well as determinants of its further development in the post-Soviet area. The idea of Turkism as a concept of ethnic-cultural community evolved from the nineteenth- century Pan-Turkism which postulated political integration of the Turkic nations. Among the determinants that limited political ambitions of Turkey after the collapse of the USSR, therecan be indicated: nationalisms as an expression of ruling elites' interests, lack of supranational community feeling among the societies, concerns about the possible reaction of Moscow and fears raised by the Turkish hegemonic ambitions. As a result, Turkey started to put emphasis on bilateral relations with the post-Soviet partners and concentrate on cooperation in economic and social sphere, including cultural and educational activities. Although, even there the success of Turkey was incomplete, the viability of this pragmatic approach was proved by the revival of political dimension of mutual contacts in 2006–2008 and their institutionalization. In the coming years the following factors may determine the development of Turkism in the post-Soviet area: growing ambitions of Turkey as a regional player, dynamics of relations between Ankara, former Soviet republics, the West and Moscow, domestic policy challenges in the post-Soviet states, their developmental needs in the globalized world, and last but not least: the role of Ankara in strengthening the post-Soviet states' multi-vector foreign policy as a method to maximize benefi ts from international cooperation. Divergent national and elites' interests of the ...