Suchergebnisse

Reflects on efforts of Anglo American philosophers to establish the grounds for individual identity in a complex social world. For John Locke, the self was constituted by a dialectic of consciousness & environment. This notion was expanded on by William James, who suggested that the self was constituted in relation to others, & so, contained multiple selves that are arranged hierarchically according to religious edicts. George Herbert Mead shattered the notion of a transcendent authority in his claim that the individual is constructed through a constant movement between experience & a changing environment. The difficulty of current debates in the politics of identity is that they often ignore the material, historical environment that is constitutive of the individual's identity with its sociohistorical location, & so, reunites the particular identity with the universal facts of social life at a given moment. D. M. Smith

Looks at primary & secondary definitions of violence as background for a discussion of the socially constructive qualities of violence, ways violence manifests itself in different cultural contexts, & the roles played by perceptions of violence on the part of observers. It is argued that narrow conceptions of violence as acts that violate the integrity of others prevent the exploration of other arenas in which violence operates. Violence is examined as a force that is revealed in both the destruction & creation of boundaries, & it is suggested that violence often serves to generate integral identities by "inscribing borders between something in the course of becoming an entity & its surroundings." Attention is called to the context in which different uses of the word "violence" emerge at specific historical moments, as well as the processes of differentiation that led to the construction of varied meanings. Various cultures are described as examples of how identity politics form borders of inclusion/exclusion based on perceptions of antagonism that often lead to violent conflicts. 37 References. J. Lindroth

Informed by a constructivist approach to state identity formation, the relationship between identity, political interests, & the public sphere in contemporary Jordan is studied to better understand how identity affects foreign policy. An overview of Jordan's political history during the mid- & late 20th century emphasizes the development of a public sphere. Relations between Jordan & predominantly Arab countries in the region are examined, indicating how calls for a Jordanian Arab identity influence foreign policy. The tendency for some groups to associate Jordan with Palestine is considered, citing tensions between groups who advocated a Jordanian identity for Palestinians residing in Jordan & those who supported a Palestinian identity for these persons & how Jordan's attitudes toward the Palestinian Liberation Organization & West Bank settlement shaped Jordanian identity. It is asserted that Jordan's relations with Israel caused greater problems for maintaining a collective national identity; how differences in Hashemite & Arabist political interests threatened the country's collective identity is demonstrated. Implications for studying the connection between identity, interest, & the public sphere in other regional nations are assessed. J. W. Parker

Examines how individual/collective identities are linked processually through social movement participation, highlighting the problem of identity correspondence across personal/movement contexts. Dispositional & structural perspectives on the identity/movement nexus are compared, & the value of a constructionist approach is discussed. Processes through which personal & collective identities are aligned in social movements are outlined, focusing on "identity work," "identity convergence," & "identity construction"; this last is further divided into processes of identity amplification, consolidation, extension, & transformation. The relationship between identity processes & other mediating mechanisms is explored, & the trajectory of identity work over the course of a movement from emergence through institutionalization & diffusion is delineated. The affinity between types of social movements & types of identity is also explored. 61 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Considers the role of cultural identity in the contemporary world in a discussion of the possible uses made of this term by international institutions. The notion of cultural identity is transversed by a number of conceptual oppositions, eg, objective/subjective, universal/singular, elite/masses, & permanence/evolving. Difficulties produced by these oppositions can be addressed logically or historically. It is suggested that, in the context of institutions, these difficulties may usefully be organized by the assumption that identity belongs in the realm of subjects, while culture belongs in the realm of institutions. Based on this view, institutions may be charged with adjudicating the distribution of statuses & functions within culture, while the expression of identity in culture may be relegated to the level of personal experience. The usefulness of this distinction for addressing questions related to how institutions should deal with issues of cultural identity is demonstrated. D. M. Smith

Discusses the possibility of civic participation that does not decrease prospects for peace & acknowledges the interests of all inhabitants of a country. It is contended that resolving disputes that are invariably generated about such things as which interests should be considered are vital for understanding political decisions about rights. The role of identity in modern politics is explored, along with its impact on civic participation, limitations caused by the norm of "compossibility" (the notion that two possible things are not possible together); difficulties posed by cultural identity claims; & what happens when opinions are treated as interests. It is argued that claims made for the purpose of vindicating cultural identities are "inauthentic ways of engaging & identifying with a culture." The process of coming to terms with others impacts how individuals present themselves as participants in dissimilar traditions that are often incompatible with civic responsibility. It is concluded that it is essential to present the practices of one's culture as a matter of reasons, rather than as a matter of identity. J. Lindroth

Presents a processual approach to collective identity that emphasizes the process through which an action system is constructed. On this view, collective identity involves cognitive definitions concerning: the ends, means, & field of action; a network of active relationships between actors; & a degree of emotional investment that allows individuals to feel part of a larger collective whole. It is argued that this understanding of collective identity opens a field view of collective action that situates these processes in the social field in which they are conducted. Further, it is asserted that this view of collective identity contributes to an understanding of collective action in highly differentiated cultural systems & helps scholars move past a global & metaphysical conception of collective actors as heroes or villains. Specific research methods appropriate for analyzing collective identity through this prism are discussed & illustrated in a brief review of literature tracking the formation of collective identity in the women's movement of the 1970s. Finally, it is contended that studying collective identity in this fashion means closing the distance between observer & observed to recognize that researchers are also participating in the uncertain construction of this process. D. M. Smith

An examination of the secessionist claims of Italy's Northern League focuses on three "new rules" of political-identity formation: the self-conscious invention of political units; the flexibility of identities; & the multiplicity of identities. It is argued that these rules proffer the "mutual contingency of different territorial scales in the crafting of political, including national, identities." Myths about & assumptions underlying conventional views of the relationship between territory & political identity are challenged. The Northern League, led by Umberto Rossi, founded the miniscule nation-state of Padania, which lies within the Lombardy & Veneto regions of northern Italy. Although the League has a positive attitude toward Europe in general, it looks unfavorably upon other Italians, especially those from the south. The League illustrates that the link between territoriality & political identity is far more historically contingent, & involves many different processes of identity formation, than assumed by conventional accounts. The need for more complex understandings of territoriality is emphasized. 1 Table. J. Lindroth

An examination of the secessionist claims of Italy's Northern League focuses on three "new rules" of political-identity formation: the self-conscious invention of political units; the flexibility of identities; & the multiplicity of identities. It is argued that these rules proffer the "mutual contingency of different territorial scales in the crafting of political, including national, identities." Myths about & assumptions underlying conventional views of the relationship between territory & political identity are challenged. The Northern League, led by Umberto Rossi, founded the miniscule nation-state of Padania, which lies within the Lombardy & Veneto regions of northern Italy. Although the League has a positive attitude toward Europe in general, it looks unfavorably upon other Italians, especially those from the south. The League illustrates that the link between territoriality & political identity is far more historically contingent, & involves many different processes of identity formation, than assumed by conventional accounts. The need for more complex understandings of territoriality is emphasized. 1 Table. J. Lindroth

Analyzes the relationship betwen religion & identity in Northern Ireland, drawing on census & polling data & 1992/93 personal experience on the Opsahl Commission, an independent inquiry into ways forward in Northern Ireland. It is shown that the violence since the 1970s has polarized people to a greater extent than ever before. Much of this division is structured in terms of the Protestant & Catholic religions, which provide identity anchors for this conflict. However, it is also found that, in the recent period, polarized identities produced on the basis of religion may be eroding, particularly in the Protestant community. It is suggested that at the bottom of these developments lays the realization that the problems in Northern Ireland can only be resolved from the bottom up by individuals who learn to live & work together. 1 Table, 1 Appendix. D. M. Smith

Considers the relationship between culture & national identity in Canada in terms of efforts to protect Canadian culture & cultural institutions. How identity is not a mere function of citizenship is briefly addressed; although, it is asserted that the state does have a role in identity. It is then argued that Canadian culture is flourishing & that the government has a critical place in maintaining & advancing this culture. Although Canada cannot escape the fact that it belongs to the US economic space, the government can help maintain a politically & culturally distinct country. Thus, it is contended that in the realm of public policy the government should invest heavily in identity by way of national & local cultural infrastructures. J. Zendejas

The effects of public attitudes & expectations upon the political communications delivered by various US presidents are investigated. After contending that presidential rhetoric possesses a democratizing function, three categories of powers & constraints placed upon US presidents are identified. State of the Union & inaugural addresses delivered from 1885 to 1992 are analyzed to demonstrate how US presidents have generated notions of shared national identity & promoted diversity. Several aspects of this shared national identity produced by the aforementioned presidential communications are identified: the nation's citizens are engaged in a covenant with American society; certain individuals, especially immigrants, require government assistance in acting like American citizens; & the paradoxical inclusion & exclusion of particular groups from American citizenship. Three directions for future research are offered, eg, studying the effects of deliberative democracy upon political change or reform. J. W. Parker

Introduces a Vol of nine Chpts (each abstracted) by providing a theoretical & political context for issues raised by recent changes in & challenges to the political project of feminism. The central idea of a shared oppression uniting women in their struggle for liberation informed second-wave feminism of the 1960s & 1970s, which tended to concentrate on social structures that universally disadvantaged women, regardless of class, race, or sexual differences. This ignorance of difference eventually led to the assertion of radical difference in postmodernist & poststructuralist feminist thought. These new strands of theory were anchored in a wider challenge to Western philosophical thought that revealed the gendered nature of the dichotomies that structure it. Two particular claims were stressed by poststructural feminists: that all knowledge was partial & relative to the social construction of experience. Thus, recent feminist work is described as emphasizing the local & cultural variability of gender in all its forms. Others have focused on the nature of power as ambivalent & negotiated rather than imposed from one group onto another. With a focus on identity issues in the context of practicing feminism, contributions address the significance of women's agency & sense of active subjectivity as well as notions of identity construction in power relations. 85 References. D. M. Smith

Examines rational-choice models that seek to span the theoretical identity-expression gap: (1) analyses in which choice phenomena replace identity & expressive phenomena, denying their importance; (2) analyses that take identity & expressive motivations as given aspects of individual preference & exploring their impacts in rational-choice terms; & (3) analyses that construct more foundational rational-choice models of social interaction & employ them to look at the character & effects of identity & expressive phenomena occurring therein. Focus is on the interrelated & identity-expressive & irrational phenomena of voting behavior, partisanship & ideology, & ethnic politics & violence, drawing on various models & theoretical perspectives. It is found that rational choice & identity expression, despite being seen as mutually exclusive analytically & theoretically, can complement & clarify each other; limitations to the application of such theories are delineated, noting that these differ from those typically elaborated. J. Zendejas

The issue of whether a state & national identity is replacing a transnational Arab state & national identity in Syria is addressed. Several factors (eg, economic crises) actually reduced the influence of Arab ideology in Syria during the 1980s. Further homogenization of a Syrian national identity is attributed to the increased support for a capitalist economy under the direction of the state during the late 1980s & the nation's current economic liberalization program. Moreover, increased urbanization & the tendency for children of the ruling elite to intermarry across sectarian lines are indicative of the nation's movement toward a Syrian national identity. Nevertheless, an Arab state & national identity remain predominant in Syria. Syria's foreign relations with Israel & Lebanon are examined to determine whether identity affects foreign policy. The study's implications for future research are also considered. J. W. Parker