Alienated fragmented identity in case of the state and nation is analyzed through cultural identity, selfidentification in historical, geopolitical, and political contexts. The main question is how a nation should stay as it was when all around there are huge political, economic, and social changes? What is the influence of internal and extern al structures in shaping the relationship between perceptions of national identity, culture, "foreign"? And what are the manifestations and consequences of real policy (that is based on mythical thinking) on the process of state and nation formation? One of the most interesting and important objects of analysis of alienated identity in the context of states and nations is Russia. This multicultural, multireligious giant constructed by coincidences, wars and aggression and having a unique cultural and historical heritage lacks only one thing – clear autoidentification.
Alienated fragmented identity in case of the state and nation is analyzed through cultural identity, selfidentification in historical, geopolitical, and political contexts. The main question is how a nation should stay as it was when all around there are huge political, economic, and social changes? What is the influence of internal and extern al structures in shaping the relationship between perceptions of national identity, culture, "foreign"? And what are the manifestations and consequences of real policy (that is based on mythical thinking) on the process of state and nation formation? One of the most interesting and important objects of analysis of alienated identity in the context of states and nations is Russia. This multicultural, multireligious giant constructed by coincidences, wars and aggression and having a unique cultural and historical heritage lacks only one thing – clear autoidentification.
In the paper ethnic identity, concepts of ethnic identity and strategies of those concepts in Lithuanian Exile are analysed. Usually in Lithuanian Exile surveys ethnic and national identities are handled as systematized and relatively stable forms of nationalism. In this paper ethnic identity is analysed on the basis of internal contradictions within diaspora and power relations (on the basis of gender, racial, ethnic groups' relations). In the paper we predicate that forms and practices of national collectivity are and can not only be transferred to emigrant community but are constantly transformed while changing boundaries and carrying other shifts in relation to other ethnic communities, and is a part of political formation of identity. In ethnic identity surveys collective identity and ethnic culture were handled as coherent unity, whereas ethnic identity is a part of constantly constructed and shifting processes. Hence in the topic not acculturation theory is chosen either but broader analytical model – through discursive practices, taking into account newspapers' analysis and organizational network in diaspora. Empirical material in the survey chosen is diaspora press and institutions in diaspora. Analytical model – newspapers' content analysis, analysis of strategies, making presumption that linguistic meanings and structural realization are bound together, analysis of practises of implementation – through diaspora institutions and family model. Tasks in the paper – to identify existing perceptions of Lithuanian identity, narratives and discourses of "lithuanianess", to analyse dominant strategies and forms (practices of exclusion and admission of group members, internal group contradictions). Particular attention is committed to youth organizations and role of women in Lithuanian diaspora in implementing political identity formation strategies. The paper conclusion is that Lithuanian intelligentsia had an access in constructing ethnic identity, on the basis of conservative discourse constructed by intellectuals complete social network of diaspora was established which functioned for implementing ethnic identity and ethnic culture. To sustain collective ethnic identity mechanisms of excluding group members were employed, as a result – ethnic continuity was not preserved.
In the paper ethnic identity, concepts of ethnic identity and strategies of those concepts in Lithuanian Exile are analysed. Usually in Lithuanian Exile surveys ethnic and national identities are handled as systematized and relatively stable forms of nationalism. In this paper ethnic identity is analysed on the basis of internal contradictions within diaspora and power relations (on the basis of gender, racial, ethnic groups' relations). In the paper we predicate that forms and practices of national collectivity are and can not only be transferred to emigrant community but are constantly transformed while changing boundaries and carrying other shifts in relation to other ethnic communities, and is a part of political formation of identity. In ethnic identity surveys collective identity and ethnic culture were handled as coherent unity, whereas ethnic identity is a part of constantly constructed and shifting processes. Hence in the topic not acculturation theory is chosen either but broader analytical model – through discursive practices, taking into account newspapers' analysis and organizational network in diaspora. Empirical material in the survey chosen is diaspora press and institutions in diaspora. Analytical model – newspapers' content analysis, analysis of strategies, making presumption that linguistic meanings and structural realization are bound together, analysis of practises of implementation – through diaspora institutions and family model. Tasks in the paper – to identify existing perceptions of Lithuanian identity, narratives and discourses of "lithuanianess", to analyse dominant strategies and forms (practices of exclusion and admission of group members, internal group contradictions). Particular attention is committed to youth organizations and role of women in Lithuanian diaspora in implementing political identity formation strategies. The paper conclusion is that Lithuanian intelligentsia had an access in constructing ethnic identity, on the basis of conservative discourse constructed by intellectuals complete social network of diaspora was established which functioned for implementing ethnic identity and ethnic culture. To sustain collective ethnic identity mechanisms of excluding group members were employed, as a result – ethnic continuity was not preserved.
Discussions about monuments usually revolve not around the visual and aesthetic expression of monuments. Looking at the ongoing debate, one can assume that it is about how we understand what Lithuania is and what Lithuania is not – what we need to remember and what we need to forget in the narrative of Lithuania represented through monuments. In other words, they are related to certain collective images of Lithuania and the world around it. Although this assumption is made in the public debate, it is not verified at academic level. The objective of the research is to analyze what kind of identity of the Lithuanian state is created and represented through the monuments that stand in the public spaces of Lithuania. The author seeks to reveal the theoretical possibilities of the participation of monuments in the formation and representation of state identity and to show the role of monuments as identity construction practices in Lithuania. An analysis of monumental practices reveals that the debate about monuments is primarily shaped by political factors.
After the Second World War, Western European societies had seen some changes in cultural values associated with liberalization, individualism, and hedonism. Value change in society becomes more and more relevant because it means the decreasing level of traditionalism and individual commitment to the group whereas self-realiza-tion becomes more and more relevant. After the war, the peace time was established and as a result the importance of modern state armies started to diminish. Nowadays modern armies are affected by organizational changes and adapt the characteristics of civilian organizations. According to some authors, in postindustrial society the professional identity of a military officer is similar to the one of a manager or an ordinary bureaucrat. For a long time, the profession of a military officer was asso-ciated with heroism, idealism, honor and prestige. The officers' corps was regarded as a military elite manifesting leadership and high standards of a military ethics. These values remain relevant in the normative documents of armies. As an army representa-tive, military officer is also a member of a civil society. Therefore, a military officer faces the challenge of having to adapt to culturally different values of both modern society and traditional military. His professional identity has to combine culturally diverse landmarks of both society and the army. Ambivalent values determine the conf lict of different values in officer's professional identity. The conducted research demonstrates that ambivalence points to the military officers' dissatisfaction with self-realization in military service, horizontal relationships with subordinates and compatibility of family and service time.
After the Second World War, Western European societies had seen some changes in cultural values associated with liberalization, individualism, and hedonism. Value change in society becomes more and more relevant because it means the decreasing level of traditionalism and individual commitment to the group whereas self-realiza-tion becomes more and more relevant. After the war, the peace time was established and as a result the importance of modern state armies started to diminish. Nowadays modern armies are affected by organizational changes and adapt the characteristics of civilian organizations. According to some authors, in postindustrial society the professional identity of a military officer is similar to the one of a manager or an ordinary bureaucrat. For a long time, the profession of a military officer was asso-ciated with heroism, idealism, honor and prestige. The officers' corps was regarded as a military elite manifesting leadership and high standards of a military ethics. These values remain relevant in the normative documents of armies. As an army representa-tive, military officer is also a member of a civil society. Therefore, a military officer faces the challenge of having to adapt to culturally different values of both modern society and traditional military. His professional identity has to combine culturally diverse landmarks of both society and the army. Ambivalent values determine the conf lict of different values in officer's professional identity. The conducted research demonstrates that ambivalence points to the military officers' dissatisfaction with self-realization in military service, horizontal relationships with subordinates and compatibility of family and service time.
After the Second World War, Western European societies had seen some changes in cultural values associated with liberalization, individualism, and hedonism. Value change in society becomes more and more relevant because it means the decreasing level of traditionalism and individual commitment to the group whereas self-realiza-tion becomes more and more relevant. After the war, the peace time was established and as a result the importance of modern state armies started to diminish. Nowadays modern armies are affected by organizational changes and adapt the characteristics of civilian organizations. According to some authors, in postindustrial society the professional identity of a military officer is similar to the one of a manager or an ordinary bureaucrat. For a long time, the profession of a military officer was asso-ciated with heroism, idealism, honor and prestige. The officers' corps was regarded as a military elite manifesting leadership and high standards of a military ethics. These values remain relevant in the normative documents of armies. As an army representa-tive, military officer is also a member of a civil society. Therefore, a military officer faces the challenge of having to adapt to culturally different values of both modern society and traditional military. His professional identity has to combine culturally diverse landmarks of both society and the army. Ambivalent values determine the conf lict of different values in officer's professional identity. The conducted research demonstrates that ambivalence points to the military officers' dissatisfaction with self-realization in military service, horizontal relationships with subordinates and compatibility of family and service time.
After the Second World War, Western European societies had seen some changes in cultural values associated with liberalization, individualism, and hedonism. Value change in society becomes more and more relevant because it means the decreasing level of traditionalism and individual commitment to the group whereas self-realiza-tion becomes more and more relevant. After the war, the peace time was established and as a result the importance of modern state armies started to diminish. Nowadays modern armies are affected by organizational changes and adapt the characteristics of civilian organizations. According to some authors, in postindustrial society the professional identity of a military officer is similar to the one of a manager or an ordinary bureaucrat. For a long time, the profession of a military officer was asso-ciated with heroism, idealism, honor and prestige. The officers' corps was regarded as a military elite manifesting leadership and high standards of a military ethics. These values remain relevant in the normative documents of armies. As an army representa-tive, military officer is also a member of a civil society. Therefore, a military officer faces the challenge of having to adapt to culturally different values of both modern society and traditional military. His professional identity has to combine culturally diverse landmarks of both society and the army. Ambivalent values determine the conf lict of different values in officer's professional identity. The conducted research demonstrates that ambivalence points to the military officers' dissatisfaction with self-realization in military service, horizontal relationships with subordinates and compatibility of family and service time.
The concept of "performance place", rather than a more common "space" is used to point out the significance of the physical and social location, where the theatre building or performance environment is situated, within the framework of the city fabric or geography of the country. The place of performance is a reflection of the shifting ideological, political and moral role which the institution of theatre is identified with in the society. The critical understanding of the place is related to the politics of the theatre, resistance to the discourse of power, as expressed by the artist's geopolitical imagination, and transgression of the social bounds. The aim of this article is to employ the concept of performance place to reflect upon the Lithuanian theatre – to see how the understanding of the place has been changing and what political projects or myths govern the choice of different locations. Two ideas of performance place are dominant in the Lithuanian theatre practices today. The first one is related to the conception of the national theatre institutions as a place which legitimates the artistic practices through the relationship with the local national community. The second locates performative practices in the fissures and margins of the first one – the official and national culture network. These are marginal places such as abandoned quarters of the city or post-industrial spaces which provoke anarchic and resistant attitude towards the tradition and power structures. However, both conceptions of place become problematic and ambivalent in the context of contemporary late capitalist system.[.].
The concept of "performance place", rather than a more common "space" is used to point out the significance of the physical and social location, where the theatre building or performance environment is situated, within the framework of the city fabric or geography of the country. The place of performance is a reflection of the shifting ideological, political and moral role which the institution of theatre is identified with in the society. The critical understanding of the place is related to the politics of the theatre, resistance to the discourse of power, as expressed by the artist's geopolitical imagination, and transgression of the social bounds. The aim of this article is to employ the concept of performance place to reflect upon the Lithuanian theatre – to see how the understanding of the place has been changing and what political projects or myths govern the choice of different locations. Two ideas of performance place are dominant in the Lithuanian theatre practices today. The first one is related to the conception of the national theatre institutions as a place which legitimates the artistic practices through the relationship with the local national community. The second locates performative practices in the fissures and margins of the first one – the official and national culture network. These are marginal places such as abandoned quarters of the city or post-industrial spaces which provoke anarchic and resistant attitude towards the tradition and power structures. However, both conceptions of place become problematic and ambivalent in the context of contemporary late capitalist system.[.].
The concept of "performance place", rather than a more common "space" is used to point out the significance of the physical and social location, where the theatre building or performance environment is situated, within the framework of the city fabric or geography of the country. The place of performance is a reflection of the shifting ideological, political and moral role which the institution of theatre is identified with in the society. The critical understanding of the place is related to the politics of the theatre, resistance to the discourse of power, as expressed by the artist's geopolitical imagination, and transgression of the social bounds. The aim of this article is to employ the concept of performance place to reflect upon the Lithuanian theatre – to see how the understanding of the place has been changing and what political projects or myths govern the choice of different locations. Two ideas of performance place are dominant in the Lithuanian theatre practices today. The first one is related to the conception of the national theatre institutions as a place which legitimates the artistic practices through the relationship with the local national community. The second locates performative practices in the fissures and margins of the first one – the official and national culture network. These are marginal places such as abandoned quarters of the city or post-industrial spaces which provoke anarchic and resistant attitude towards the tradition and power structures. However, both conceptions of place become problematic and ambivalent in the context of contemporary late capitalist system.[.].
The concept of security community goes back to Karl Deutsch, who distinguished between "amalgamated" and "pluralistic" security communities. In an amalgamated security community, such as the US, two or more states formally merge into an expanded state. On the other hand, a pluralistic security community retains the legal independence of separate states but integrates them to the point that the units entertain "dependable expectations of peaceful change". A pluralistic security community develops when its members possess a compatibility of core values derived from common institutions and mutual responsiveness – a matter of mutual identity and loyalty, and a 'we-feeling" among states. The Transatlantic Security Community was born right after the WWII when Western countries formed a collective identity against a commonly perceived threat – Soviet Union. Transatlantic Security Community was a symbol of Western values, traditions and identity. The end of Cold War changed the context within which the Community now had to operate. The loss of a clear and present danger didn't affect the transatlantic partnership much – or it seemed so. The core Atlantic powers appeared to be drawing much closer together and facing the future with a great deal of confidence but the Kosovo intervention proved it to be wrong. The fact that the operation was run and largely conduced by Americans made USA think of Europeans as of allies who not only had limited technical means but whose leaders had to adapt to a public opinion that was far from supportive of fighting an engagement that had not been sanctioned by the UN. The gap between America and Europe widened even more after the attacks of September 11.[.].
The concept of security community goes back to Karl Deutsch, who distinguished between "amalgamated" and "pluralistic" security communities. In an amalgamated security community, such as the US, two or more states formally merge into an expanded state. On the other hand, a pluralistic security community retains the legal independence of separate states but integrates them to the point that the units entertain "dependable expectations of peaceful change". A pluralistic security community develops when its members possess a compatibility of core values derived from common institutions and mutual responsiveness – a matter of mutual identity and loyalty, and a 'we-feeling" among states. The Transatlantic Security Community was born right after the WWII when Western countries formed a collective identity against a commonly perceived threat – Soviet Union. Transatlantic Security Community was a symbol of Western values, traditions and identity. The end of Cold War changed the context within which the Community now had to operate. The loss of a clear and present danger didn't affect the transatlantic partnership much – or it seemed so. The core Atlantic powers appeared to be drawing much closer together and facing the future with a great deal of confidence but the Kosovo intervention proved it to be wrong. The fact that the operation was run and largely conduced by Americans made USA think of Europeans as of allies who not only had limited technical means but whose leaders had to adapt to a public opinion that was far from supportive of fighting an engagement that had not been sanctioned by the UN. The gap between America and Europe widened even more after the attacks of September 11.[.].
Organization identity is not only the strategy of management in modern organization, which goals is to introduce itself, it's experience and point of view to it's interest groups, but also the identity creates a sense of community and understanding between coworkers. It also helps them to know the organization better from the inside and to reach both individual and organizational goals consistently. Also the identity lets clearly and consistently communicate with external groups of interests. But in a virtual organization strong identity is not created or it can be done in hard work and to mantain it is not easy as well: coworkers usually do not communicate directly and do not have a strong cooperation sense, the virtual organization does not have physical location, sometimes there is even absense of clear organizational structure. It is also very difficult to create it's strong culture, incorporate it's mission and vision in everyday work. All these aspects form identity of the organization which helps to buil the basic for a clarity and certainty – this is particularly important in order to create a transparent organization. The paper's object – identity management problems or the virtual organization. A goal of the paper is to ascertain possibilities of the identity management of the virtual organization. Tasks of the paper: to analyze features of organization's identity management and how is beeing formed; to ascertain the meaning of the virtual organization, classifications and characteristics; to ascertain possibilities and features of the virtual organization's identity formation; to measure identity management problems of the virtual organization. A theoretical analysis of documents, literature and scientific articles, a comparative analysis and content analysis method demonstrated, that organization identity is one of the most important factors, which determines successful activity of organization. But its formation is long and complicated process. Many theoretical insights, that help to manage the identity of organizations, are supplied in scientific articles and literature, but identity can be successful only if the managers know what to do, feel what they want and clearly see what they reach. What is more, virtual organizations are distinguished by their structure and nature of the action in the mass organizations. Nowadays, virtual organizations are those organizations, which are flexible, global, fast-reacting to the changes and let its employees to work at home. But possibilities of the identity formation of virtual organization are very limited. Virtual organizations are still not trying to develop a strong identity in order to entrench in a market and to compete with traditional organizations. An explored theory and research results indicated that the creation of the virtual organization, management, identity formation and other areas have not yet been fully explored. That and percentage of using elements of identity (49, 27%) show the virtual identity management problems exist. So it could be determined these virtual identity management problems of virtual organizations: - lack of the information of virtual organization's identity formation; - lack of appropriate practical examples; - not felt a need for identity formation because of low-competition; - virtual organization are not considered real and strong enough that would be worthwhile to create its identity; - reduced opportunities of identity formation as compared with traditional organizations. These problems explain why just few organizations dare to become a virtual organization.
