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Neoliberal globalization affects the livelihoods and socio-economic conditions of people all over the world. This is also true for Japan where increased foreign trade and foreign investments have dramatically changed the internal landscape of the country during recent decades. There are many social groups for whom globalization has brought positive changes. International Japanese companies and their employees, for example, have benefited from the commercial expansion and rise in trade exchang

College students and campuses have played key roles in social movements because colleges' cultural and structural features tend to facilitate movements. But such attributes vary across campuses. This quantitative study models how two campus features that correspond to core elements of social movement theory—students' collective identity strength and social network density—appear to impact United Students Against Sweatshops (USAS) groups' presence and success on 1,265 US 4‐year public and private nonprofit campuses during 2000–2006, operationalizing success as schools' joining the Worker Rights Consortium (WRC) monitoring organization. Results generally indicate that collective identity strength and network density promote USAS presence and that network density facilitates WRC membership. USAS presence is pivotal, though not required, for WRC membership. Our logistic regression models also confirm that campus opportunity structures and off‐campus movement actors' roles help account for these USAS outcomes; notably, antiunion location ("Right‐to‐Work" states) undermines and Roman Catholic school affiliation encourages USAS presence and success. We identify theoretically why certain factors may promote only some forms of student activism (e.g., conscience constituent but not beneficiary‐based groups).

This two-part study aims to examine the moderating effect of ethnic identity strength on the relationship between ethnic identity profiles and mental health among Acadian university students who occupy a relative minority or majority status in the province of New Brunswick. Study 1 tested the factorial structure of an ethnic identity profile measure for Acadian students. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses supported a three-factor model, resulting in Affirmation, Detachment and Insecurity profiles. In Study 2, results of the moderation analysis revealed that the combination of a strong ethnic identity and an Affirmation profile provides protection against mental health issues for minority-status Acadian students, but not for majority-status Acadian students. Conversely, the combinations of a strong ethnic identity with the Detachment and Insecurity profiles increased the vulnerability of minority-status Acadian students to mental health issues, but not that of majority-status students.

"Social Identity in Decisions to Protest" published on by Oxford University Press.

In a recent article in this journal, Leonie Huddy (2001) asks whether the social identity approach developed by Tajfel, Turner, and their collaborators can "advance the study of identity within political science" (p. 128). She concludes that "various shortcomings and omissions in its research program" (p. 128) hinder the application of the approach to political phenomena. This paper presents a response to Huddy's evaluation of the social identity approach. Several aspects of her account of social identity work are challenged, especially her suggestion that it ignores subjective aspects of group membership. The interpretation of the minimal group paradigm is discussed in detail, as are issues of identity choice, salience, and variations in identity strength. The treatment of groups as process in social identity theory and self-categorization theory is given particular emphasis.

In a recent article in this journal, Leonie Huddy (2001) asks whether the social identity approach developed by Tajfel, Turner, and their collaborators can "advance the study of identity within political science" (p. 128). She concludes that "various shortcomings and omissions in its research program" (p. 128) hinder the application of the approach to political phenomena. This paper presents a response to Huddy's evaluation of the social identity approach. Several aspects of her account of social identity work are challenged, especially her suggestion that it ignores subjective aspects of group membership. The interpretation of the minimal group paradigm is discussed in detail, as are issues of identity choice, salience, and variations in identity strength. The treatment of groups as process in social identity theory and self-categorization theory is given particular emphasis.

This article examines how social movement actors can forge and sustain a collective identity despite heterogeneous backgrounds and the absence of pre-existing commonalities and networks. Based on an ethnography of the French yellow vest movement, we build on the concept of reactive identity to describe two key mechanisms. First, we show this movement's collective identity crystallized through the actors' shared reactions to the broader sociopolitical environment. Then, we describe how identification processes are reinforced when social movement actors feel rejected, stigmatized, and repressed in their interactions with national institutions, civil society, and individuals. We explain how these mechanisms are useful for understanding the development of collective identities within mass movements, which encompass individuals with various and fragmented identities. Exploring new dimensions of reaction beyond the us-versus-them mechanisms of identity formation, we show how collective identity can coalesce for groups who became stigmatized as they mobilize to oppose their environment.