Suchergebnisse

This paper studies the factors associated with the presence of guerrilla, paramilitary, and drug trafficking groups in the municipalities of Colombia. Statistical analysis shows three kinds of results. Some of these tend to corroborate explanations that are commonly accepted in Colombia, while others defy deeply rooted beliefs. As a result, some rather curious associations emerge. The availability of energy resources appears to be a crucial factor of attraction for guerrilla and paramilitary groups, but not for drug traffickers. The conflict also seems to affect both the municipalities' ability to impose taxes, as well as the latter's composition. Against conventional wisdom, drug traffickers appear to have the closest ties to the political sphere. This group shows the greatest capacity to influence civil society, has the most corrosive effect on elections, and exerts the greatest influence on the composition of municipal expenditures. A very popular explanation of violence in Colombia posits a strong and positive association between economic conditions, the so-called objective causes, and the armed conflict. The data does not support the arguments that poverty is responsible for it. In contrast, the data suggest that the age of the population, a purely demographic factor, is determinant. The effect of other social variables is more ambiguous. Curiously, the existence of communications infrastructure is the best indicator of the conflict's geography. The administrative disorganization in public expenditures also appears to be related to the influence of armed groups. However, on an almost anecdotal level, an office for municipal planning is positively associated with the influence of drug trafficking.

Back in the early 1990s, Colombia reintegrated five left-wing guerrilla groups. Whether as groups or individuals, these guerrillas found space for legitimate political participation at the local and national levels. Society accepted them and they embraced democracy and contributed to the strengthening of liberal political ideas and human rights norms in the country. Fifteen years later Colombia is once again attempting to reintegrate ex-combatants, 33,000 from the Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia, the so-called 'paramilitary' -- a right-wing force that sought to fight guerrillas -- and about 11,000 'individually demobilised' combatants of FARC, ELN and AUC who have since 2002 deserted their group. This time, however, the task of transforming illegal armed groups into legitimate political entities is proving to be harder. In particular, the reintegration of the paramilitary has elicited wide criticism from Colombians and the international community. Why are things different today? By examining and comparing the processes of political reintegration of the M-19 and the paramilitary this article will argue that there are at least four critical factors that either allow or bar former combatants from becoming legitimate players with a capacity for political interlocution: the international and domestic political and normative contexts; the nature and behaviour of the illegal armed group (how much power they command, to what extent groups use war for personal profit and whether they commit egregious crimes); the terms of the peace negotiation; and the practical dimensions of exercising political interlocution. Adapted from the source document.

Over 12,000 children have disengaged from illegal armed groups in Colombia since 2003, and more will disengage when the conflict ends. The drivers behind child recruitment are complex. Recent literature highlights the need for two areas of peacebuilding and development work to address child recruitment in conflict-affected areas of Colombia: stronger state presence, and development initiatives tackling factors contributing to child recruitment, such as poverty and education. This article aims to answer the following questions: What factors have driven child recruitment in Colombia? How do development issues such as poverty, education, and domestic violence manifest themselves and interact with child recruitment, and how could efforts to resolve them coincide with increased state presence in areas where recruitment frequently occurs? The article uses interviews with ex-combatants to examine factors that have driven child recruitment in Colombia to highlight development and peacebuilding issues that the state should prioritise, and suggests possible solutions.

Given the start of new peace talks between the FARC guerrillas and the Colombian government, it is crucial to understand the role of Colombian journalists in reporting peace and war.This article presents an analysis on the National Press coverage of the demobilizations of a paramilitary group (Bloque Cacique Nutibara) and a section of the FARC guerrillas (BloqueCacicaGaitana) within a frame that reflects over the ethical practice of journalism in the context of war. The results are consistent with literature arguing that ethical codes are not documents dictating how journalists should do their job, but rather they represent political acts of communication which allow journalists to reclaim their proffessional independence from sources and defend themselves from threats. The paper also discusses the apparent tension between journalism ethics, and the barriers imposed by the media´s informational needs and the strategic military aims of armed groups.

AbstractThe multiple crises of Colombian‐Venezuelan borderland geopolitics, which include a rise in Venezuelan refugees entering Colombia, mounting armed conflict from illegal armed groups throughout Colombia and the mixed efficacy of policy responses by the government, are converging to drive an evolution in Colombia's security concerns. This convergence of crises rivals the security conditions of the early 2000's. As before, the government faces prolific armed conflict, loss of legitimacy over sovereign territory to a host of illegal armed groups, unchecked coca cultivation‐trafficking and illicit economies, and an overwhelming loss of confidence in the central government's abilities to govern and counter these threats. This paper argues that the cumulative effect of the nascent convergence of crises is the subsequent rise of mounting Colombian insecurity and threats to stability that now permeates throughout the country – spanning and linking rural, urban and borderland areas in unprecedented ways while driving Venezuelan xenophobia and social unrest.

Paper aimed to consider of approaches to big data (social network content) utilization for understanding of social behavior in the conflict zones, and analysis of dynamics of illegal armed groups. Analysis directed to identify of underage militants. The probabilistic and stochastic methods of analysis and classification of number, composition and dynamics of illegal armed groups in active conflict areas are proposed. Data of armed conflict – antiterrorist operation in Donbas (Eastern Ukraine in the period 2014-2015) is used for analysis. The numerical distribution of age, gender composition, origin, social status and nationality of child militants among illegal armed groups has been calculated. Conclusions on the applicability of described method in criminological practice, as well as about the possibilities of interpretation of obtaining results in the context of study of terrorism are proposed.

The article presents the results of the research on the identity of the female adolescent soldiers who, at the time of the study, were in the Colombian government's rehabilitation programs. The life history interviews methodology was used, 20 adolescents and young women participated, with an average age of 18.9 years. When they entered the illegal armed groups, they had an average of 12.5 years and remained in the groups an average of 4.4 years. From the narratives of the participants, it was discovered that the development of their identity went through three key moments: the first is the product of family interactions, and it is expressed in the tension of assuming the traditional role of women and the decision to join to illegal groups; the second is the result of their permanence in the groups and is defined by the strong masculine culture of war; and the third moment is a consequence of the transit of these women through of the governmental rehabilitation programs, and it is characterized by assuming control of their lives from the exercise of citizenship. ; El artículo presenta los resultados de la investigación sobre la identidad de las adolescentes soldados, que en el momento del estudio estaban en los programas de rehabilitación del gobierno colombiano. Se utilizó la metodología de historias de vida, participaron 20 adolescentes y mujeres jóvenes, con una edad promedio de 18.9 años. Cuando ingresaron a los grupos armados ilegales, tenían un promedio de 12.5 años y permanecieron en los grupos un promedio de 4.4 años. A partir de las narrativas de las participantes, se evidenció que el desarrollo de su identidad pasó por tres momentos clave: el primero es el producto de las interacciones familiares y se expresa en la tensión de asumir el papel tradicional de las mujeres y la decisión de unirse a los grupos ilegales; el segundo es el resultado de su permanencia en los grupos y se define por la fuerte cultura masculina de la guerra; y el tercer momento es la consecuencia del tránsito de estas mujeres a través de los programas gubernamentales de rehabilitación, y se caracteriza por asumir el control de sus vidas a partir del ejercicio de la ciudadanía.

Abstract The Colombian conflict has been one of the longest-running disputes in the Western world. Although the signing of the peace treaty in 2016 gave hope back to the territory, this process did not happen overnight, so it was necessary to go through a historical journey to get the results today, where one of its fundamental milestones was the law of victims and the framework for peace. Through a review of the literature, this article seeks to analyze the impact on the Colombian conflict and the dynamics of the actors involved from the perspective of the law of victims. Among the most significant findings is that the Victims' Law should not be seen as a panacea to solve all the country's problems. Few recognize that it is a first step in the right direction, and the government's courage to takeit must be stressed. In that sense, the authorities must show good intentions, imagination and political will to allow the military response on the one hand, and generate and implement initiatives and policies with facts on the other hand. Keywords: Armed conflict in Colombia, victims' law, peace, reconciliation Resumen El conflicto colombiano ha sido una de las disputas ma?s largas del mundo occidental. Aunque la firma del tratado de paz en 2016 devolvio? la esperanza al territorio, este proceso no se produjo de la noche a la man?ana, por lo que fue necesario hacer un recorrido histo?rico para obtener los resultados hoy, donde uno de sus hitos fundamentales fue la ley de vi?ctimas y el marco de la paz. A trave?s de una revisio?n de la literatura, este arti?culo busca analizar el impacto en el conflicto colombiano y la dina?mica de los actores involucrados desde la perspectiva del derecho de las vi?ctimas. Entre los hallazgos ma?s significativos se encuentra que la Ley de Vi?ctimas no debe ser vista como una panacea para resolver todos los problemas del pai?s. Pocos reconocen que es un primer paso en la direccio?n correcta, y hay que destacar el valor del gobierno para darlo. En ese sentido, las autoridades deben mostrar buenas intenciones, imaginacio?n y voluntad poli?tica para permitir la respuesta militar, por un lado, generar y aplicar iniciativas y poli?ticas con hechos por otro lado. Palabras clave: Conflicto armado en Colombia, derecho de las vi?ctimas, paz, reconciliacio?n ; Abstract The Colombian conflict has been one of the longest-running disputes in the Western world. Although the signing of the peace treaty in 2016 gave hope back to the territory, this process did not happen overnight, so it was necessary to go through a historical journey to get the results today, where one of its fundamental milestones was the law of victims and the framework for peace. Through a review of the literature, this article seeks to analyze the impact on the Colombian conflict and the dynamics of the actors involved from the perspective of the law of victims. Among the most significant findings is that the Victims' Law should not be seen as a panacea to solve all the country's problems. Few recognize that it is a first step in the right direction, and the government's courage to takeit must be stressed. In that sense, the authorities must show good intentions, imagination and political will to allow the military response on the one hand, and generate and implement initiatives and policies with facts on the other hand. Keywords: Armed conflict in Colombia, victims' law, peace, reconciliation Resumen El conflicto colombiano ha sido una de las disputas ma?s largas del mundo occidental. Aunque la firma del tratado de paz en 2016 devolvio? la esperanza al territorio, este proceso no se produjo de la noche a la man?ana, por lo que fue necesario hacer un recorrido histo?rico para obtener los resultados hoy, donde uno de sus hitos fundamentales fue la ley de vi?ctimas y el marco de la paz. A trave?s de una revisio?n de la literatura, este arti?culo busca analizar el impacto en el conflicto colombiano y la dina?mica de los actores involucrados desde la perspectiva del derecho de las vi?ctimas. Entre los hallazgos ma?s significativos se encuentra que la Ley de Vi?ctimas no debe ser vista como una panacea para resolver todos los problemas del pai?s. Pocos reconocen que es un primer paso en la direccio?n correcta, y hay que destacar el valor del gobierno para darlo. En ese sentido, las autoridades deben mostrar buenas intenciones, imaginacio?n y voluntad poli?tica para permitir la respuesta militar, por un lado, generar y aplicar iniciativas y poli?ticas con hechos por otro lado. Palabras clave: Conflicto armado en Colombia, derecho de las vi?ctimas, paz, reconciliacio?n

Розглядаються військові аспекти сутності та розмежування понять "Непередбачені законом збройні формування","Непередбачені законом воєнізовані формування" як складових незаконних утворень військового типу. ; Рассматриваются военные аспекты сущности и разграничение понятий "Незаконные вооруженные формирования", "Незаконные военизированные формирования" как составляющих незаконных образований военного типа. ; Consider the military aspects of the nature and distinction of concepts "Illegal armed groups", "Illegal paramilitary groups" as a constituent of illegal military formations.