Suchergebnisse

"One of the economic benefits of immigration is that the diversity of the population is enhanced. Diversity, it is argued, enriches the environment in which individuals live and trade and may contribute to greater creativity. What does diversity mean? Do current immigration policies enhance diversity? To the extent that there are gains from diversity, they come through the interaction of individuals from one culture or background with individuals from another. A good partner in the interaction has different skills, has skills that are relevant to one's own activity, and is a person with whom one can communicate. The argument in favor of diversity is evaluated both theoretically and empirically using the 1990 Census. Diversity cannot be the justification of U.S. immigration policy. Indeed, current immigration policy fails to promote diversity. Further, the results suggest that our immigration policy has resulted in differences in the characteristics of immigrants that reflect the effects of selection as much as they do the underlying characteristics of the populations from which the immigrants are drawn. Balanced immigration, perhaps implemented through the sale of immigration slots, would do more to enrich the diversity of the US population." (Author's abstract, IAB-Doku) ((en))

The author rejects the interpretation that US immigration history reflects a creed of liberal universalism & argues instead that a system of segregated race relations has coexisted with immigration policy & Americanization. His analysis focuses on the period from 1880 through the 1920s, when immigration policy was based on the "melting pot" image, despite the practice of restricting or excluding certain immigrant groups, including those from eastern & southern Europe. The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 marked the beginning of this trend. The article also discusses efforts to Americanize Native American groups during the same period, as reflected in Hollywood films, contemporary literature, & federal legislation. The establishment of a "white" US identity included laws to prevent black & Asian immigration. The author concludes that scholars' past neglect of the role of race in immigration policy has limited our understanding of US identity. 70 References. J. R. Callahan

The author rejects the interpretation that US immigration history reflects a creed of liberal universalism & argues instead that a system of segregated race relations has coexisted with immigration policy & Americanization. His analysis focuses on the period from 1880 through the 1920s, when immigration policy was based on the "melting pot" image, despite the practice of restricting or excluding certain immigrant groups, including those from eastern & southern Europe. The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 marked the beginning of this trend. The article also discusses efforts to Americanize Native American groups during the same period, as reflected in Hollywood films, contemporary literature, & federal legislation. The establishment of a "white" US identity included laws to prevent black & Asian immigration. The author concludes that scholars' past neglect of the role of race in immigration policy has limited our understanding of US identity. 70 References. J. R. Callahan

An analysis of the changing geography of Mexican immigration to the US focuses on four periods: the classic era of open immigration (1900-1920); the Bracero era (1942-1964); the undocumented era (1964-1986); & the post-Immigration Reform & Control Act of 1986 (IRCA) era (1987-present). Data were obtained from Integrated Public Use Microdata Samples of individual records from US censuses of 1900-1920 & 1940-1990, & the March supplement of the 2000 Current Population Survey. Mexican immigration was strongly oriented towards Texas until 1920 when destinations shifted toward California &, to a lesser extent, Chicago. The Great Depression brought immigration to a standstill until the temporary worker Bracero program was instituted in 1942. By 1960, 42 percent of all Mexican immigrants lived in California, 36 percent in Texas, & 6 percent in Illinois or Indiana. California dominated as the preeminent destination during the undocumented era; however, strict enforcement provisions of the IRCA, coupled with a recession in California, transformed Mexican immigration into a nationwide movement that transfigured the political landscape of both countries. Tables, References. J. Lindroth

Two major waves of US immigration -- 1869-1924 & 1965-1993 -- are compared in terms of the ethnic diversification they produced & the racial conflicts that resulted in the major immigrant-receiving cities, drawing primarily on daily microfilm accounts from the New York Times of racial/ethnic collective action, both violent & nonviolent, in 76 large urban areas. It is theorized that the surge in immigration created collective mobilization among whites against people of color, spurred by increased competition for scarce resources (especially economic opportunities), which often resulted in racial violence. During the first wave, immigrants reshaped the country's ethnic national identity & reinforced the long-standing white/nonwhite racial dichotomy. During the second wave, it is contended that immigration itself, particularly the size of the immigration population, was no longer the primary cause of ethnic conflict; rather, racial diversity caused "white ethnic" immigrants to band together & seek assimilation into the native white population against immigrants of color, further cementing white/nonwhite boundaries. This is demonstrated by the increase in acts of violence against blacks & decrease in those directed at Asians during this second period. Characteristics of racial/ethnic conflicts across both periods are examined, including the size of events, level of violence, degree of organization, & participant groups; the impact of ethnic diversity on racial conflict remained positive & significant, supporting competition theory. Implications for contemporary racial relations are discussed, suggesting that, since racial/ethnic boundaries are maintained by social constructs, based largely on status & power hierarchies, there is the possibility that they can be changed. 5 Tables, 2 Figures, 81 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Demographic factors that threaten a given society's stability are examined along with the effects of population growth on a certain society's carrying capacity. It is contended that conflicts between neighboring ethnic groups are exasperated by the absence or inequitable distribution of available resources. After discussing the notion of carrying capacity, it is stated that population growth in the US is threatening current supplies of necessary resources & the national ecosystem. Additional effects of excessive population growth on American society include the increased stratification of social classes & the flight of certain racial groups from states with large immigrant populations. Additional effects of population growth on US democratic processes are considered. Multiple strategies for reducing the deleterious impact of continued population growth are offered, eg, allowing only 100,000 individuals to immigrate to the US per year. J. W. Parker

"One of the key questions on international migration concerns its benefits and costs for the receiving economies. Assessing the overall net gain or loss to the economy from immigration is a challenging task both from a theoretical and an empirical point of view. Immigration can affect the receiving economy through several channels: wages or employment effects on native workers, changes in output structure, fiscal effects, effects on house prices, and so on. In this chapter, we concentrate on one of the most important channel: the impact on wage and employment of natives. We consider the impact of immigration on a subgroup of the population that could particularly benefits from it, the female population. Since international migration may change the prevailing wage rates in the sectors where a large number of migrants looks for a job, we focus on immigrants working in the household service sector. The underlying idea is that migrants could increase the availability of services to households, like childcare, housekeeping, or caring for elderly, reducing their market prices. This effect could induce women to change their decision on participation to the labour market. In the empirical analysis, we use data of countries with quite different institutions (Australia, Germany, Switzerland, the UK, and the US). This gives us the opportunity to understand whether the effect of migrants on female labour supply is relevant in countries where policies are more or less supportive to families." (Text excerpt, IAB-Doku) ((en))

The popular position that immigration to metropolitan areas causes the polarization of residential patterns between Anglo Americans & African Americans is questioned. Data from the 1990 census STF3A file are used to examine the residential distribution of 39 ethnic groups in 285 US metropolitan areas, focusing on how ethnicity & length of time in the US affected segregation in these metropolitan areas. The primary finding is that increased length of residence reduced ethnic groups' segregation, but not that of African Americans. Results also show that ethnic groups with shorter lengths of residence do not exacerbate segregation between African Americans & Anglo Americans. Additional research is needed to substantiate the claim that immigration causes segregation in the US. 6 Tables, 2 Figures, 25 References. J. W. Parker

An introductory overview examines ethnic diversity & interethnic relations in Toronto, Ontario, one of the most plural major cities in the Western world, highlighting the reciprocal impact of the city & its immigrants on each other. Focusing on the processes of social inclusion & exclusion, various perspectives on integration are reviewed, with particular attention to the ways in which newcomers become part of the social, cultural, & institutional fabric of existing communities. Patterns of immigration & settlement in Toronto are traced since the end of WWII, focusing on trends over the last 3 decades of the 20th century in terms of immigration policy, the sociodemographic composition of immigrant groups, employment & educational opportunities & achievements, housing, health status, & community integration. Implications for future policy & research are considered, arguing that the major concern should be on factors that block opportunities for immigrants, particularly low resource bases & inadequate service delivery. K. Hyatt Stewart