Suchergebnisse

Rad se bavi inačicom socijalne države koja se od devedesetih godina razvijala u Hrvatskoj, odnosno pitanjem kako su socijalni programi za veterane i pretvaranje veteranskih organizacija u ključne političke aktere utjecali na njezin razvoj. Hrvatska ima oko pola milijuna registriranih veterana te snažne i brojne veteranske organizacije. Djelomice reagirajući na mobilizaciju veteranskih organizacija, vlade predvođene HDZ-om stvarale su od 1994. trajne materijalne povlastice za veterane, uz simbolične poveznice koje njeguju od svršetka Domovinskog rata. Jačanje veteranskih organizacija kao političkih aktera utjecalo je stoga na razvoj socijalne države u Hrvatskoj. Snažno oslanjanje na obitelj u pružanju skrbi središnje je obilježje koje Hrvatska dijeli s drugima konzervativnim socijalnim državama, dok je klijentelistički karakter odnosa između države i društvenih skupina povezuje s južnim tipom konzervativne socijalne države. Nadalje, Hrvatsku obilježavaju "kompenzacijski" socijalni programi, kako za veterane tako i u obiteljskoj politici općenito, koji imaju kontradiktorne društvene učinke. Klijentelističku inačicu konzervativne socijalne države u Hrvatskoj održava politička mobilizacija veteranskih organizacija, ali je istodobno nagrizaju odnosi ovisnosti, predbacivanja i brojni drugi socijalni učinci tih programa. Ovaj rad ukazuje na potrebu obuhvatnijih komparativnih istraživanja socijalne države u Hrvatskoj. ; The paper theorizes about the type of welfare state that emerged in Croatia post-1990, focusing specifically on ways in which the evolution of welfare programmes for veterans, and the gradual strengthening of veteran organizations as pivotal political actors, impacted its morphology. Croatia currently has a population of around 500,000 registered veterans, which in the mid-1990 started organizing into powerful organizations. Partly in response to this mobilization, from 1994 onwards HDZ governments created a comprehensive institutional architecture of entitlements for veterans, instituting durable material linkages alongside symbolic ties to this population. The prominence of veterans as a pivotal political actor has impacted the development of the welfare regime in Croatia. Strong reliance on the family for a broad range of care work is the central feature Croatia shares with other conservative welfare regimes, while the clientelist character of state-society relations relates it specifically to their Southern variant. Distinctly, the "compensatory" character of welfare programmes, which is characteristic of veteran programmes, and of family policy in Croatia generally, creates contradictory impulses. What seems to have emerged is a specific clientelist variant of a conservative welfare regime, sustained by veteran mobilizations, while at the same time eroded by the dependency, resentment and a myriad of other social impacts of these programmes. Future research on the welfare state in Croatia will hopefully further explore the arguments that this paper brings forward.

O razlozima iseljavanja iz Hrvatske do sada se najčešće pisalo s aspekta politike useljavanja u pojedine države, a manje politike iseljavanja iz domovine. Ovim se radom stoga žele pokazati razvojne faze iseljeničkoga režima u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji/Hrvatskoj, što će se pratiti preko angažmana mjerodavnih institucija u Hrvatskoj s posebnim naglaskom na ulogu Komisije za iseljenička pitanja. U analizi će poslužiti fondovi Hrvatskoga državnog arhiva vezani uz institucije (uprava i javne službe), pisma iseljenika za emisiju Radio-televizije Zagreb "Našim građanima u svijetu", kao i anketni upitnici radnika na privremenom radu u Saveznoj Republici Njemačkoj. Na temelju navedenih izvora želi se dokazati da se vlast u socijalističkoj Hrvatskoj brinula o sudbini iseljenika i povratnika, ali i radnih migranata (gastarbajtera), otvarajući prostor za ono što danas nazivamo javno-privatnim partnerstvom u pružanju usluga migrantima. ; The reasons for emigration from Croatia have thus far been analysed mostly from the aspect of immigration policy, but less often from the aspect of the policies of emigration to individual countries. Therefore, it was not even possible to monitor the continuity of Croatian policy towards the emigration, whose connections with previous periods significantly influenced the phases of emigration and return of the population in the socialist period. Precisely for this reason, the aim of this paper is to present a broader picture of the reaction of socialist Yugoslavia/Croatia to the emigration and the return of the population in the period from 1945 to 1970. This was monitored through the reactions of the government and the administrative apparatus (institutions and legislation), with special reference to the involvement of relevant institutions (administrations and public services) in Croatia, which played a key role in organising activities related to emigration and return. Among them, the Commission for Emigrant Issues stood out the most, having one of the more complex roles related to emigration/return observed through its scope, adopting normative acts, and cooperating with other institutions in Croatia (Croatian Heritage Foundation, Radio-Television Zagreb, Institute for Migration, Section of Social Psychology, University of Zagreb). Of particular interest was the cooperation with the last on the development of an emigrant survey, which was the beginning of sociological, economic, and socio-psychological research on the phenomenon of work outside the homeland (or guest worker experience). Based on the analysis, we prove that the government in socialist Croatia cared about the fate of emigrants and returnees by making room for what we now call public-private partnerships in providing services to emigrants—in other words, that emigration policy played an important role in building a welfare state in Yugoslavia/Croatia. Therefore, the approach to the topic was based on works in the field of social policy, while the analysis was made using the funds of the Croatian State Archives related to institutions (administrations and public services), letters from emigrants for the Radio-Television Zagreb show To Our Citizens in the World, and survey questionnaires for temporary workers in the Federal Republic of Germany.

Istraživanje i eksploatacija ugljikovodika u svakoj se državi provodi prema usvojenomu fi skalnom sustavu eksploatacije. Fiskalni sustavi određuju uvjete poslovanja tijekom cjelokupnoga integriranog procesa od istraživanja do eksploatacije i trgovine te su namijenjeni ravnomjerno i državnim tijelima koja su zadužena za eksploataciju i kompanijama operatorima. Trenutačno se u naftnome i plinskome poslovanju primjenjuju koncesijski i ugovorni fi skalni sustavi. Ugovorni sustavi dijele se na ugovore o podjeli proizvodnje te na servisne ugovore. Izbor fi skalnoga sustava eksploatacije glavni je cilj energetske politike prema eksploataciji ugljikovodika za državu, dok je on za kompanije operatore i za servisne kompanije način vođenja poslovanja. U radu su detaljno obrađeni navedeni fi skalni sustavi s primjerima uvjeta ugovora. Elementi ugovora, neovisno o sustavu, analizirani su s njihovim prednostima i nedostatcima. Fiskalni sustavi moraju biti odabrani tako da privlače kompanije koje žele investirati. Također, njihova je dužnost da maksimalno smanje rizike za sve uključene strane, ali da maksimiziraju dobit države tijekom faze iskorištavanja ugljikovodika. Za kompanije fi skalni sustavi moraju biti atraktivni kako bi balansirali rizike tijekom istražne faze s dobitima koje je moguće ostvariti tijekom faze iskorištavanja. Uspješan i zadovoljavajući sustav (i za državu i za ulagača) mora privući ulagača i ponuditi mu prihvatljive uvjete, dok, s druge strane, mora donijeti odgovarajuću korist matičnoj državi, njezinoj industriji i lokalnomu stanovništvu uz poštovanje zakona i čuvanje okoliša. Bez obzira na to koji je fi skalni sustav na snazi, glavni elementi moraju biti koncizni i jasni te ne smije biti prostora za dvojako tumačenje ugovora. Potrebno je osigurati realne i objektivne ciljeve te neutralnost vlasti u donošenju odluka. Fiskalni sustavi i uvjeti ugovora određeni su tržištem te je nužno osigurati potrebnu fleksibilnost u slučaju promjena na tržištu kako ne bi došlo do gubitaka za bilo koju od ugovornih strana. Stoga je jedan od glavnih izazova fi skalne politike ravnomjerna raspodjela rizika, odnosno potrebna je što manja divergencija u razmišljanju vlade i ulagača. Država mora promišljati više kako osigurati racionalno iskorištavanje mineralnih sirovina uz poštovanje ugovora s naglaskom na brigu o okolišu. Ulagač ne smije pored vlastite dobiti zanemariti socijalnu komponentu područja na kojemu posluje te također mora skrbiti o životu ljudi, stanju imovine i zaštiti okoliša. Fleksibilnost je glavni temelj uspješnoga ugovora, pa je dužnost države osigurati neovisno državno tijelo koje će nadzirati poslovanje ulagača. S obzirom na dugotrajnost samih ugovora navedeno tijelo mora osluškivati i promjene na tržištu te znati pravilno i pravovremeno reagirati bez obzira na političke opcije trenutačno na vlasti. Odabir fi skalnoga sustava također je potrebno provoditi uz sagledavanje širega geopolitičkog konteksta različitih političkih i vojnih sukoba koji u pozadini imaju interese vezane uz eksploataciju i trgovinu ugljikovodicima te njihovih utjecaja na cijene ugljikovodika i gospodarstvo u cjelini. Fiskalni sustavi i vrste ugovora opisani u ovome radu samo su jedan segment naftno-plinskoga poslovanja, no izrazito bitan s obzirom na to da utječu na stabilizaciju poslovanja na nesigurnome tržištu. ; The choice of the right fi scal regime represents the main object of the energy policy concerning hydrocarbon exploration and production for the state government. For the operator and service companies it represents the terms and conditions for practical conducting of the process in whole. This paper analyse aspects of agreements used in the petroleum indus-try. Elements of agreement, regardless of regime, have been described together with their advantages and disadvantages. Due to the fact that the fi scal regime has to be chosen to attract companies willing to invest in exploration and produc-tion, it represents a relevant part of the business strategy and also a base for the decision making process during start up. It has to minimize the risk for the both parties involved and maximize the state's share during the exploitation phase. For the companies, it has to be attractive enough to balance risks during the exploration phase with profi ts gained during the exploitation phase. The aim of this paper is to show the existing fi scal systems in the petroleum industry and to analyze the process for concluding a contract regarding the exploration and production of hydrocarbons. An overview of diff er-ent business practices in the oil and gas industry with a detailed breakdown of the contract terms between the parties involved have been described in the paper. The aim of this paper is to show the diff erent possibilities of fi nancial regimes which could help during the negotiation process for conducting hydrocarbon exploration and production for everyone involved.

Tema diplomskog rada je politika SAD-a prema ilegalnim migrantima iz Latinske Amerike. Promatrano je razdoblje nakon Drugog svjetskog rata kada je krenuo masovni priljev emigranata iz Latinske Amerike u Sjedinjene Američke Države. Tada imigracijska politika prema ilegalnim imigrantima postaje jedna od prioritetnih politika Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. U promatranom razdoblju daje se prikaz imigracijske politike američkih predsjednika, počevši sa Zakonom o reformi i kontroli imigracije (Immigration Reform and Control Act-IRCA) predsjednika Ronalda Reagana (1981. - 1989.). Vrata ilegalnoj imigraciji iz Latinske Amerike pokušao je zatvoriti predsjednik Bill Clinton (1993. - 2001.) Zakonom o reformi ilegalne imigracije i imigrantskoj odgovornosti (Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigration Responsibility Act-IIRIA), dok je namjere predsjednika Georgea W. Busha (2001. - 2009.) spriječio teroristički napad na Sjedinjene Američke Države 11.9.2001 godine. Njegov nasljednik predsjednik Barack Obama (2009. - 2017.) iskoristio je svoje predsjedničke ovlasti i autorizirao provođenje programa DACA (Deffered Action for Childhood Arrivals) i DAPA (Deffered Action for Parents of Americans) koji su pogodovali djeci ilegalnih imigranta, uz istovremeno provođenje brojnih uhićenja i deportacija ilegalnih imigranata. Rad završava prikazom dosadašnje politike predsjednika Donalda Trumpa koji ilegalne imigrante smatra prijetnjom nacionalnoj sigurnosti Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. ; The subject of the graduate thesis is policy of the USA towards illegal migrants from Latin America. Observed period is the period after World War II, starting with the mass flow of emigrants from the Latin America to the United States of America. This is the period when immigration policy of the United States towards illegal immigrants became one of the priorities of the United States. Presented are american president's immigration policies, beginning with the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) presented by the president Ronald Reagan (1981. – ...

The author contends that it is, in principle, legitimate to talk about global justice/fairness. Everybody has the right to humane living conditions, irrespective of borders & places of birth. However, we cannot expect the emergence of a world state, not even in the form of a world federation: namely, there is no analogy between the individual's natural state & the states' natural state. States are already an established legal state. This means that any association of states, any federation, even a world state, can come into being only by means of an agreement, which is not very likely. The question is how much the existing borders can & should be open? Is there a universal right to the freedom of movement, the freedom of entering a country, the freedom of employment & immigration? According to the author, the universal moral expectation that every person has exactly the same, unlimited rights in these respects founders over the ethical limitations of universalism. In modernity, the universalistic moral & the ethics of closeness, ie, the responsibilities towards people as such & the responsibilities towards one's own solitary community, have been at variance. To live in modernity means that we cannot apply only one criterion as there are at least two & they allow for the prevalence of one perspective over the other only on a case by case basis, but not generally. Adapted from the source document.

Autor u radu na temelju dostupne arhivske građe i relevantne literature analizira metode djelovanja komunističkoga represivnog aparata u Narodnoj Republici / Socijalističkoj Republici Hrvatskoj protiv Katoličke crkve od 1951. do 1965. godine. U radu se prvi put navode brojčani podaci o suradnicima Udbe iz crkvenih redova te organizacija i pojedinaca usko povezanih s Katoličkom crkvom. ; After the establishment of communist rule in Yugoslavia and the elimination of all political opponents, the Catholic Church remained the only strong and well-organised institution in which the communists saw a possible opponent. This is why the communist authorities carried out a series of repressive and political measures in order to prevent its public activities and weaken its influence in society. Bishops and priests were assassinated or imprisoned, Church property was confiscated, religious publications and seminaries were banned, religious schools were closed and ordinands pressured to give up on studying for priestly vocations, a propaganda campaign was launched against the Church and its priests, priests were scrutinized (especially through clerical associations) and recruited as informants for the secret services, and a series of other measures was carried out with the goal of weakening the influence of the Church in society. The main operational role in the implementation of these measures was played by law enforcement services, primarily the State Security Administration and the other services of the Secretariat of the Interior as well as the Counterintelligence Service, which concerned itself mostly with ecclesiastical persons performing compulsory military service in the Yugoslav People's Army. These services' annual reports for Croatia from 1951 to 1965 and their analyses and studies, which only became available to the public in the Croatian State Archives in Zagreb in 2017, offer us insights into law enforcement's views on the conditions in the Catholic Church, their assessments of its 'hostile' activities, and the ways in which they planned their activities and carried out certain anti-Church measures. In addition, this paper is the first to present the actual numerical indicators of priests and other Church officials or persons closely connected to the work of the Church who were in various ways employed as a part of the collaborator networks of communist secret services in their activities regarding the Catholic Church in the stated period. It is important to highlight that the vast majority of these persons agreed to collaborate due to pressure or blackmail, for the most part failed to produce the results that the State Security Administration had expected of them, and were therefore often removed from the collaborator network. The State Security Administration benefited little from this network, and the fact that it failed to achieve its goals in its struggle against the Catholic Church confirms this.