Suchergebnisse

In our introduction to this special issue, we describe how the immigration enforcement-first regime has consequences that extend beyond the supposed target population of undocumented immigrants and spill over to other groups, including legal permanent residents, U.S.-born Latinos/as, and other U.S.-born residents. The papers in this special issue address whether and how spillover effects exist and the form that they take. Often they include social, psychological, and in some cases, physical harm, and together they illustrate that directly or indirectly, U.S. policy's emphasis on interior and external border enforcement affects all of us.

AbstractTemporary migration programmes have re‐emerged as a preferred mechanism for regulating labour migration in many migrant‐receiving countries in the past decade. In this paper, I consider the role of shifting Canadian immigration policies, notably the expanded streams for temporary workers, in the changing flow of migrants from Trinidad to Canada. Temporary programmes can bring workers to Canada relatively quickly, but they limit access to permanent residency and citizenship, in sharp contrast to most of Canada's earlier immigration policies. Ethnographic fieldwork reveals that Trinidadians actively seeking to make the move to Canada have little interest in new temporary work programmes. Rather, they continue to plan futures in Canada that they expect to be years in the making. I consider some reasons for this apparent refusal to submit to the new migration realities. I show that present‐day Trinidadian emigrant desires and practices are deeply connected to individual, familial and national emigration and immigration histories. Trinidadians are declining to participate in new immigration regimes and are restricting their migration practices to those forms that are historically familiar and have been proven successful. I attempt to show how ethnographic approaches that take seriously migrants' agency can assist in developing a fuller understanding of the ways in which migration flows are changing. These approaches reveal what are otherwise the silences and invisibility surrounding those whose previous access to permanent migration streams has been diminished through neoliberal restructuring of migration policy. I argue that temporary worker policies disregard long‐standing histories of migration and engagement with capitalist processes for people in particular regions of the world, rendering them, for policy purposes, effectively "people without history" (Wolf, 1982).

AbstractA neoliberal immigration regime often takes an "economic" lens to frame and reframe immigration regulation based on a rational cost–benefit analysis of what immigration might bring to immigration-receiving countries. Under such a regime, skilled and business immigration is framed as an "economic" immigration category, which can channel in financial and human capital, while family and international humanitarian immigration is regarded as a "social" immigration category assumed to produce immigrants who are more dependent and not able to bring immediate and direct economic gain for immigrant-receiving countries. In New Zealand (NZ), such a neoliberal trend is very much alive within its contemporary immigration policy development. The paper aims to illustrate the neoliberal trend of NZ immigration policy that relates to the entry of immigrants' family members, especially the older parents. In order to achieve this goal, a detailed review of the evolving NZ family immigration policy over the last three decades and a descriptive analysis of NZ family immigration intake will be presented. By combining the policy review and descriptive analysis together, the paper can inform a better understanding of how the neoliberal immigration regime has had an impact on the patterns of family immigration in NZ.

In a period marked by heightened interest in the domain of rights, this article focuses on the delivery of rights with respect to cross‐national migrants and, in particular, on the position of non‐EU migrants in Italy. Italy is chosen as a special case, having moved quickly and recently to establish a regime of both rights and controls with respect to migration, culminating in its 1998 legislation. The article considers the emerging picture of rights, alongside impediments to their realization, and a set of associated ambiguities related to delivery and implementation. The outcome is viewed as a pattern of stratified rights – or 'civic stratification'– which operates along both formal and informal dimensions. Underpinning this picture is a hybrid system whose chief characteristics are: a bureaucratized framework of rights and controls; the permeation of this formal system with informal practices; and the continuing presence of irregular migrants. For them, reasonable chances of clandestine employment and last‐resort provisions are the basis of a survival existence not rooted in formal rights, but subject to minimal formal control.Dans une période marquée par un regain d'intér?t dans le domaine des droits, cet article s'attache à la signification de ceux‐ci auprès des migrants transnationaux et, notamment, à la situation des migrants non‐ressortissants de l'UE en Italie. Ce pays est choisi comme cas particulier puisqu'il est passé rapidement et récemment à un régime de droits et de contrôles vis‐à‐vis de la migration, aboutissant à la législation de 1998. L'article examine le tableau des droits qui se dessine, parallèlement aux obstacles à leur concrétisation, tout en étudiant un ensemble d'ambiguïtés connexes liées à leur signification et leur mise en application. Il dépeint les droits comme un motif en couches – ou 'stratification civique'– fonctionnant à la fois dans le sens officiel et officieux. Etayant cette représentation, se trouve un système hybride dont les principales caractéristiques sont un cadre bureaucratisé de droits et de contrôles, l'infiltration dans ce système officiel de pratiques officieuses, et la présence persistante de migrants irréguliers. Ces derniers se fondent sur des chances raisonnables de trouver un travail clandestin et de bénéficier de dispositions de dernier recours pour une survie qui ne s'appuie pas alors sur la légalité, mais dépend d'un contrôle officiel minimal.