Suchergebnisse

French edition (Paris, A. Colin, 1923) has title: Limpérialisma économique et les relations internationales pendant le dernier-demi-siècle (1870-1920). ; Bibliography: p. 171-178. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The pinnacle of the British Empire in the middle of the XIX th century coincides with the beginning of an era of economic free-trade that progressively stood out as a crucial doctrine and as an essential factor of British power. Organized by the City, the networks of the commerce and the international finance became a geopolitical instrument for the imperial territorial expansion. The junction between the economic dimensions and the strategic considerations was the central element of the British national project, offering a link between the domestic history and the foreign history of the United-Kingdom. Borne during the Pax Britanica, this link was but partially questioned by the First World War, which, contributed, however, to create the political and economic conditions that will lead to a new project for the British nation. ; L'apogée de l'Empire britannique au milieu du XIXe siècle coïncide, au niveau économique, avec le début d'une période de libre-échange qui s'est progressivement imposé comme une doctrine centrale et comme un facteur essentiel de la puissance britannique. Organisés autour de la City, les réseaux du commerce et de la finance internationale se sont transformés en un instrument géopolitique pour l'expansion territoriale de l'Empire. L'intersection entre les dimensions économiques et les aspects stratégiques a constitué l'élément fondamental du projet de la nation britannique, offrant ainsi un lien entre l'histoire intérieure et l'histoire extérieure du Royaume-Uni. Fruit de la Pax Britannica, ce lien n'a été que partiellement remis en question par la Première Guerre mondiale. Celle-ci a toutefois contribué à créer les conditions économiques et politiques qui finiront par produire un nouveau projet pour la nation britannique.

The pinnacle of the British Empire in the middle of the XIX th century coincides with the beginning of an era of economic free-trade that progressively stood out as a crucial doctrine and as an essential factor of British power. Organized by the City, the networks of the commerce and the international finance became a geopolitical instrument for the imperial territorial expansion. The junction between the economic dimensions and the strategic considerations was the central element of the British national project, offering a link between the domestic history and the foreign history of the United-Kingdom. Borne during the Pax Britanica, this link was but partially questioned by the First World War, which, contributed, however, to create the political and economic conditions that will lead to a new project for the British nation. ; L'apogée de l'Empire britannique au milieu du XIXe siècle coïncide, au niveau économique, avec le début d'une période de libre-échange qui s'est progressivement imposé comme une doctrine centrale et comme un facteur essentiel de la puissance britannique. Organisés autour de la City, les réseaux du commerce et de la finance internationale se sont transformés en un instrument géopolitique pour l'expansion territoriale de l'Empire. L'intersection entre les dimensions économiques et les aspects stratégiques a constitué l'élément fondamental du projet de la nation britannique, offrant ainsi un lien entre l'histoire intérieure et l'histoire extérieure du Royaume-Uni. Fruit de la Pax Britannica, ce lien n'a été que partiellement remis en question par la Première Guerre mondiale. Celle-ci a toutefois contribué à créer les conditions économiques et politiques qui finiront par produire un nouveau projet pour la nation britannique.

Situating the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan in the wider frame of British imperial history, this dissertation investigates school history in late colonial Sudan. Didactic materials, prescribed contents and pedagogic practices are analyzed against the background of five major developments of the 1945-1953 period: the shifting of British imperialism in Africa towards "paternalist-progressive" policies aiming at preparing colonial peoples for self-government; the polarization of British and Egyptian positions on the Sudanese issue; mounting rivalries between the independentist and unionist wings of Sudanese nationalism; the hasty unification of Northern and Southern Sudan after more than half a century of separate rule; and Northern Sudanese policies of Arabization and Islamization in the South as a tool for achieving "national unification". In a second part, the innovative character of post-WWII history teaching in Sudan is assessed by examining earlier patterns of Sudanese school history. History teaching in late colonial Sudan is then compared with history teaching in other territories of the (ex-)Empire (Uganda, North Rhodesia, Nigeria, Egypt, India, Great Britain). Two central postcolonial issues are further explored, namely the decolonization of school historical narratives after independence (1956) and the role of history teaching in fuelling the North-South conflict in Sudan. ; Réinscrivant le Soudan anglo-égyptien dans l'histoire impériale britannique, cette thèse explore l'histoire scolaire soudanaise à l'ère de l'"ébranlement colonial" qui succéda à la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Les matériaux didactiques, les contenus prescrits et les pratiques pédagogiques sont analysés à la lumière de cinq développements majeurs des années 1945-1953 : le virage "paterno-progressiste" des politiques coloniales britanniques en Afrique, dont l'objectif était désormais de préparer les peuples colonisés à l'autogouvernance ; la polarisation des positions britannique et égyptienne sur la question du Soudan ; la concurrence accrue entre ...

Situating the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan in the wider frame of British imperial history, this dissertation investigates school history in late colonial Sudan. Didactic materials, prescribed contents and pedagogic practices are analyzed against the background of five major developments of the 1945-1953 period: the shifting of British imperialism in Africa towards "paternalist-progressive" policies aiming at preparing colonial peoples for self-government; the polarization of British and Egyptian positions on the Sudanese issue; mounting rivalries between the independentist and unionist wings of Sudanese nationalism; the hasty unification of Northern and Southern Sudan after more than half a century of separate rule; and Northern Sudanese policies of Arabization and Islamization in the South as a tool for achieving "national unification". In a second part, the innovative character of post-WWII history teaching in Sudan is assessed by examining earlier patterns of Sudanese school history. History teaching in late colonial Sudan is then compared with history teaching in other territories of the (ex-)Empire (Uganda, North Rhodesia, Nigeria, Egypt, India, Great Britain). Two central postcolonial issues are further explored, namely the decolonization of school historical narratives after independence (1956) and the role of history teaching in fuelling the North-South conflict in Sudan. ; Réinscrivant le Soudan anglo-égyptien dans l'histoire impériale britannique, cette thèse explore l'histoire scolaire soudanaise à l'ère de l'"ébranlement colonial" qui succéda à la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Les matériaux didactiques, les contenus prescrits et les pratiques pédagogiques sont analysés à la lumière de cinq développements majeurs des années 1945-1953 : le virage "paterno-progressiste" des politiques coloniales britanniques en Afrique, dont l'objectif était désormais de préparer les peuples colonisés à l'autogouvernance ; la polarisation des positions britannique et égyptienne sur la question du Soudan ; la concurrence accrue entre les deux courants du nationalisme soudanais (indépendantiste et unioniste) ; l'unification hâtive du Nord et du Sud-Soudan après plus d'un demi-siècle de gestion séparée ; et la tentative des élites nord-soudanaises de construire un État-nation arabo-musulman. Le second volet de la thèse est consacré à une mise en perspective diachronique et synchronique de l'histoire scolaire soudanaise de fin d'Empire : celle-ci marqua-t-elle une véritable rupture par rapport à l'histoire scolaire pratiquée au Soudan jusqu'en 1945 ? Quelles étaient les convergences et les divergences entre l'histoire scolaire du Soudan et celle d'autres territoires de l'(ex-)Empire britannique (Ouganda, Rhodésie du Nord, Nigeria, Égypte, Inde, Grande-Bretagne) ? Ma réflexion s'achève sur deux problèmes cruciaux de l'ère postcoloniale : la décolonisation - ou non - des récits historiques scolaires après l'indépendance (1956) et le rôle catalyseur de l'histoire scolaire dans la guerre civile entre le Nord et le Sud-Soudan.

Situating the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan in the wider frame of British imperial history, this dissertation investigates school history in late colonial Sudan. Didactic materials, prescribed contents and pedagogic practices are analyzed against the background of five major developments of the 1945-1953 period: the shifting of British imperialism in Africa towards "paternalist-progressive" policies aiming at preparing colonial peoples for self-government; the polarization of British and Egyptian positions on the Sudanese issue; mounting rivalries between the independentist and unionist wings of Sudanese nationalism; the hasty unification of Northern and Southern Sudan after more than half a century of separate rule; and Northern Sudanese policies of Arabization and Islamization in the South as a tool for achieving "national unification". In a second part, the innovative character of post-WWII history teaching in Sudan is assessed by examining earlier patterns of Sudanese school history. History teaching in late colonial Sudan is then compared with history teaching in other territories of the (ex-)Empire (Uganda, North Rhodesia, Nigeria, Egypt, India, Great Britain). Two central postcolonial issues are further explored, namely the decolonization of school historical narratives after independence (1956) and the role of history teaching in fuelling the North-South conflict in Sudan. ; Réinscrivant le Soudan anglo-égyptien dans l'histoire impériale britannique, cette thèse explore l'histoire scolaire soudanaise à l'ère de l'"ébranlement colonial" qui succéda à la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Les matériaux didactiques, les contenus prescrits et les pratiques pédagogiques sont analysés à la lumière de cinq développements majeurs des années 1945-1953 : le virage "paterno-progressiste" des politiques coloniales britanniques en Afrique, dont l'objectif était désormais de préparer les peuples colonisés à l'autogouvernance ; la polarisation des positions britannique et égyptienne sur la question du Soudan ; la concurrence accrue entre les deux courants du nationalisme soudanais (indépendantiste et unioniste) ; l'unification hâtive du Nord et du Sud-Soudan après plus d'un demi-siècle de gestion séparée ; et la tentative des élites nord-soudanaises de construire un État-nation arabo-musulman. Le second volet de la thèse est consacré à une mise en perspective diachronique et synchronique de l'histoire scolaire soudanaise de fin d'Empire : celle-ci marqua-t-elle une véritable rupture par rapport à l'histoire scolaire pratiquée au Soudan jusqu'en 1945 ? Quelles étaient les convergences et les divergences entre l'histoire scolaire du Soudan et celle d'autres territoires de l'(ex-)Empire britannique (Ouganda, Rhodésie du Nord, Nigeria, Égypte, Inde, Grande-Bretagne) ? Ma réflexion s'achève sur deux problèmes cruciaux de l'ère postcoloniale : la décolonisation - ou non - des récits historiques scolaires après l'indépendance (1956) et le rôle catalyseur de l'histoire scolaire dans la guerre civile entre le Nord et le Sud-Soudan.

Author's autograph presentation copy. ; Bibliographical foot-notes. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Cette brochure comprend deux discours.consacrés à la caractéristique de la situation économique et politique mondiale."--Avant-propos. ; Des perspectives de l'évolution mondiale.--L'Europe et l'Amérique.--Annexe. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Cholera: "a crucial and revealing challenge, helpful to measure the bravery and intellectual value of the Navy's physicians". According to Jacques Leonard's word, cholera defied the French Navy as a whole. It questioned the French naval instrument and actions beyond the mere issues of sea hygiene or the spreading of the epidemic through sailing. It was both a field issue, as well at a local level as at the individual and collective ones, and a meaningful issue in international relations. It required a constant and deep commitment from the military health service in general, and from the Navy health service in particular. It contributed to weakening the Mediterranean area in a period of reconstruction as post-1815 France intended to seize opportunities to become again a prominent member in the community of Nations through a stronger commitment in the crises that were then striking its southern part. This pro-active policy, combining military intervention and conventional diplomacy, the preservation of trading interests and the renewal of an expansionist and even imperialist policy, partly relied on the appeal to restructuring naval forces. By studying the confrontation between French naval power in the Mediterranean and the spreading of cholera from 1831 to 1856, the purpose, here, will be to understand, mainly through a naval perspective, how those successive epidemics evolved from the status of threats to public health to that of becoming an unexpected opportunity to stand a sanitary power, as two international conferences on health were to take place in Paris (1851 and 1859). The history of confrontations between the French navy and cholera tells about a human scale struggle. Beyond the human and scientific challenges it represented, beyond all the individual struggles, beyond the specific mobilization that it implied, cholera always represented an impediment to the smooth functioning of the missions devoted to the French Navy in the Mediterranean. It forced the Navy to curb its medical procedures and sanitary strategies. It revealed the French efforts towards a unified sanitary space supported by a set of rules built upon quarantines. The Navy did not only help preserving France from the epidemics but also took part in the development of a sanitary expansionism tinged with imperialism (or the other way round). The incorporation of Algeria into the French sanitary space materialized the will to build up a zone of sanitary influence in the Mediterranean thanks to an active diplomacy ; Le choléra, « épreuve cruciale et révélatrice […] pour apprécier la valeur intellectuelle et le courage des officiers de santé de la Marine », selon l'expression de Jacques Léonard, met au défi la Marine française dans son ensemble. Le choléra est une épreuve qui interroge l'instrument naval français et ses actions au-delà des seules problématiques de l'hygiène navale ou de la contribution des navigations à la diffusion de l'épidémie. Il est à la fois une épreuve de terrain, locale, collective comme individuelle, et un enjeu de relations internationales. Il requiert un engagement constant et en profondeur de la part du service de santé des Armées en général, de la Marine en particulier. Il contribue à la fragilisation d'un espace méditerranéen en pleine recomposition alors que la France de l'après 1815 cherche à y saisir des opportunités pour peser à nouveau dans le concert des nations à travers une plus grande implication dans les crises qui secouent sa façade méridionale. Cette politique offensive, faite de diplomatie conventionnelle et d'interventions militaires, de défense des intérêts commerciaux et de relance d'une politique expansionniste sinon impérialiste, repose en partie sur la sollicitation de forces navales en cours de relèvement. En proposant une étude sur la confrontation entre la puissance navale française en Méditerranée et la circulation du choléra entre 1831 et 1856, il s'agit de comprendre, essentiellement à travers un regard naval, comment, au-delà du péril majeur que ces épidémies successives constituent pour la santé publique en France et en Méditerranée, elles en viennent à représenter une formidable opportunité offerte à la France de s'affirmer comme une puissance sanitaire de premier plan, alors que se préparent deux premières conférences sanitaires internationales de Paris (1851 et 1859) . L'histoire de la confrontation entre la Marine française et le choléra est celle d'un combat au ras des flots, et à l'échelle humaine, sur le front cholérique naval. Au-delà de l'épreuve humaine et scientifique qu'il représente, des sommes de combats individuels et de mobilisations spécifiques des personnels soignants qu'il suscite, le choléra représente toujours – quelle que soit l'intensité de sa manifestation – une entrave au bon déroulement des missions assignées à la Marine française en Méditerranée. Il oblige la Marine à adapter ses modes de prise en charge médicale et ses stratégies sanitaires. Il révèle les efforts français pour élaborer un espace maritime sanitaire national unifié reposant sur une réglementation sanitaire elle-même articulée autour du principe des quarantaines. En plus de sa contribution à la défense de l'intégrité cholérique du pays, la Marine participe à la projection d'un expansionnisme sanitaire français patinée d'impérialisme (ou inversement). Il repose sur l'élargissement à l'Algérie de l'espace maritime sanitaire français et sur la tentative, par une diplomatie active sur le terrain, de construire un espace d'influence sanitaire en Méditerranée.

Cholera: "a crucial and revealing challenge, helpful to measure the bravery and intellectual value of the Navy's physicians". According to Jacques Leonard's word, cholera defied the French Navy as a whole. It questioned the French naval instrument and actions beyond the mere issues of sea hygiene or the spreading of the epidemic through sailing. It was both a field issue, as well at a local level as at the individual and collective ones, and a meaningful issue in international relations. It required a constant and deep commitment from the military health service in general, and from the Navy health service in particular. It contributed to weakening the Mediterranean area in a period of reconstruction as post-1815 France intended to seize opportunities to become again a prominent member in the community of Nations through a stronger commitment in the crises that were then striking its southern part. This pro-active policy, combining military intervention and conventional diplomacy, the preservation of trading interests and the renewal of an expansionist and even imperialist policy, partly relied on the appeal to restructuring naval forces. By studying the confrontation between French naval power in the Mediterranean and the spreading of cholera from 1831 to 1856, the purpose, here, will be to understand, mainly through a naval perspective, how those successive epidemics evolved from the status of threats to public health to that of becoming an unexpected opportunity to stand a sanitary power, as two international conferences on health were to take place in Paris (1851 and 1859). The history of confrontations between the French navy and cholera tells about a human scale struggle. Beyond the human and scientific challenges it represented, beyond all the individual struggles, beyond the specific mobilization that it implied, cholera always represented an impediment to the smooth functioning of the missions devoted to the French Navy in the Mediterranean. It forced the Navy to curb its medical procedures and sanitary ...

National audience The end of the First World War and the victory of the allied powers which had made the right of peoples to dispose of themselves and the overhaul of the principles governing international life the central ideas of their propaganda were perceived by many progressive and peaceful circles as the beginning of a new era, that of the moralisation of international ideas. While the principle of a society of nations had been well received by some public opinion, it remained sceptical about the real results that could be expected: should she not confine itself to being a tool of the Cartel to monitor the defeat powers, in particular Germany? Should the concern of the French power, the alliance with other Anglo-Saxonian or Eastern powers to counterbalance the German power (which would probably soon come after a temporary weakening) should not predominate? Did not follow this principle, which had governed the entire history of human societies and which appeared, in particular, in the circles of the National Droite as intangible, immutable? Is the proliferation of small states, as a result of the desire to empower nationalities, something desirable? Due to their fatal weakness, they are merely a cause of German instability or manipulation. In short, already at that time, considered to be far too idealistic, ignoring the deep forces underlying relations between powers, or even dangerous for the well-understood interests of France and the exhausted French interests (by facilitating a German war), this kind of peaceful ideas is very quickly contested. In view of this wall of scepticism or even indifference, the 'genevois' circles (that is to say, all French circles defending the idea of a strong SDN in the centre of international life) must demonstrate that their ideas are not disconnected from reality and are inspired by the ideals governing political struggle within French society. Hence the rapid development of rhetoric necessitated by the abrupt promotion of a body of ideas already debated and accepted ...

Translation of: The rebuilding of Europe. ; L'heritage néfaste de l'Europe. -- Idéals internationaux. -- L'Impérialisme économique. -- La vision d'une république. -- La transfiguration de l'empire allemand. -- Organisation internationale. -- Le pouvoir constructeur de la démocratie. -- L'intérêt de l'Amérique dans la nouvelle Europe. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Scholars have often highlighted the legacy of Rosa Luxemburg in Hannah Arendt's thought, particularly with regard to Arendt's work about imperialism. Yet in the latter, Arendt mentions Luxemburg's work very little. My hypothesis is that one can understand Luxemburg's legacy in Arendt's "Imperialism" by reading this text in the light of Arendt's anthropological theses in "The Human Condition". I suggest that in "The Human Condition", Arendt theorized the problem of the "primitive accumulation of capital" on the basis of Luxemburg's thought, but she displaced it from an economical perspective to an anthropological and political one. On this basis, I argue that Arendt's theses about the nation-state can only be completely understood in the light of her work about the 19th century imperialism. ; On souligne souvent l'héritage de la pensée de Rosa Luxemburg dans l'oeuvre de Hannah Arendt, en particulier en ce qui concerne les thèses de cette dernière à propos de l'impérialisme. Pourtant, dans son ouvrage homonyme, Arendt ne cite et ne commente que très peu le travail de Luxemburg. Cet article vise à éclairer l'héritage luxemburgien dans "L'Impérialisme" d'Arendt à la lumière des thèses qu'Arendt avance dans "La condition de l'homme moderne". Je fais l'hypothèse qu'Arendt a théorisé le problème de "l'accumulation primitive du capital" sur base des thèses de luxemburgiennes, qu'elle a reprises dans une perspective anthropologique et politique. À partir d'une telle compréhension de la pensée arendtienne de l'impérialisme, je propose de revisiter les analyses que l'autrice a consacrées à la formation et à l'histoire des États-nations européens. ; Peer reviewed

In this article we will analyse the main approaches to which the Putin doctrine refers. Russia presents itself to the international community as responsible for the sustainability of Russian civilisation and as leader of an opposition movement to Western civilisational imperialism. The EU is trying to diversify its international relations by developing new partnerships, in particular with China. However, the Russian military intervention alongside Bashar el Assad in Syria and the Ukrainian crisis largely undermine these efforts to build new alliances. While the new partnership with China is not called into question, its positioning as a pole of resistance to Western civilisational imperialism is at risk. The regained strength and opposition to the West's hegemonic claims are factors which largely explain President Putin's exceptional popularity. However, the Russian economy remains fragile and its modernisation is necessary to reduce its dependence on energy exports. However, this modernisation is expected to be difficult due to its new isolation from European dynamics. V. Putin will it be able to maintain its level of popularity despite a difficult economic situation? ; International audience In this article we will analyze the main approaches to which the Putin doctrine belongs. Russia presents itself to the international community as responsible for the protection and development of Russian civilization and as leader of a movement opposed to Western civilizational imperialism. Russia is trying to diversify its international relations by developing new partnerships, particularly with China. However, Russian military intervention alongside Bashar al-Assad in Syria and the Ukrainian crisis have largely undermined these efforts to build new alliances. If the new partnership with China is not challenged, on the other hand, its positioning as a pole of resistance to Western civilizational imperialism is compromised. The regained power and the opposition to the hegemonic policies of the West are factors that largely ...

Réponse à une série d'articles par J.-A. d'Amours, signés Un patriote, parus dans la Presse en 1916 et réunis dans une brochure sous le titre Où allons-nous?--Cf. Vinet, B. Pseudonymes québécois. ; "Publié à la demande et sous les soins de J.-B. Prince, M.D., président de la 'Ligue patriotique des intérêts canadiens.' ; Comprend des références bibliographiques. ; Reproduction électronique. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Mode d'accès: World Wide Web. ; 44