Suchergebnisse

Lenin foi o primeiro marxista a avaliar que tinha se aberto com oimperialismo – que não era só uma política, mas uma nova eraeconômica do metabolismo do Capital - uma época histórica de apogeu e,ao mesmo tempo, hegelianamente, de decadência do sistema: umaépoca de transição, portanto, de guerras e revoluções. As criseseconômicas do capitalismo diminuiriam - ou até impediriam – as margensde negociação de concessões aos trabalhadores. A época das reformasteria ficado no passado. A história sancionou ounão esta perspectiva? ; Lenin was the firstMarxist that concluded that imperialism– conceived not only as apolicy but rather as a neweconomic period of the development of capital – hadopened a new historicalage of supremacy and, at the same time, inspired in Hegel'slessons on History, ofdecadence of the system: an age of transition, hence, of warsand revolutions.Capitalism economical crises would be an obstacle for negotiationsand concessions with thelabour movement. The age of reforms had ended. Didhistory confirm this perspective?

The article analyzes the policy and practice of neo-imperialism in the Russian Federation, examines the specificity of Putinizm as a historical challenge posed by the post-Soviet post-colonial elites of the former USSR, in this case, the Ukrainian ones. Existing certain toleration of the culture of the colonizer, inherent in a large number of representatives of the Ukrainian elites, both political, and economic and creative, is one of the hallmarks of their unshakable post-colonialism, which, in turn, hinders the transformation of Ukraine into a modern European civilized state and a full-fledged modern nation. The need for a more determined opposition to the political and ideological influences of the modern Kremlin, its neo-imperial actions, theprovision of more effective and tougher resistance to the aggressor-Putin's Russia, which invaded Ukraine and imposed a hybrid war on its people, is not only a requirement that is relevant to self-preservation and consolidation Ukrainian independent nation, but also a persistent advice from the politicians of different countries who are committed to Ukraine and advanced analysts from the present-day Russia. Moreover, the real history of post-Soviet Ukraine and the post-Soviet Russia is a confirmation of the differences, including ideological, between the two peoples. At a time when post-colonial Ukraine was looking for itself in the labyrinths of many, and especially of the two-vectored, having finally ended on the road to a common European home, Russia tried to become democratic, but its efforts in this direction ended in defeat. Some of the contemporary Russian philosophers generally argue that the post-Soviet period in Russia went on an effort to return to the USSR. The Russian post-Soviet postcolonial period tried to get rid of their own "humiliation" and "to rise from their knees". A number of contemporary Russian intellectuals even argues that raising the people from their knees is the only real merit of the President of the Russian Federation VV. Putin before the Russian people. For example, the president of Lithuania Dalia Grybauskaitė has repeatedly expressed the opinion that Ukraine should take a much more resolute stand against the policies and actions of Putin's Russia. The ability to effectively confront an insidious aggressor - Putin's Russia - has become an exam today for Ukrainian elites regarding their viability and effectiveness.

Resumo:Processos predatórios de desapossamento, com diversos recursos à violência, oque passa pela intervenção estatal, longe de se restringirem a um momentoencerrado na pré-história do capitalismo, constituem, ao lado da reproduçãoampliada, um dos eixos fundamentais da expansão deste modo de produção e seuexame é imprescindível para a compreensão do "novo imperialismo". ; Abstract: Predatory processes of dispossession,relying on different means of violence whichnecessitate state intervention, far from beingrestricted to a circumscribed moment ofthe pre-history of capitalism, constitute, withexpanded reproduction, one of thefundamental axes of expansion of this mode ofproduction and its examination iscrucial to understand this 'new imperialism'.

Three historical milestones allow a reflection on the narratives of transnational radio stations in Africa: the expansion of transnational channels in Africa, after the Second World War and the beginning of the Cold War; the holding of the "Conference of non-aligned countries" in Bandung, 1955, which expressed the will of sovereignty of the countries of Africa and Asia; the "Media and development forum" held in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, which expressed the desire to "decolonize information". These great events aroused a certain interest in the field of Radio Studies in Africa. The present reflection aims to analyze the narratives of Western radio stations in Africa, which it focuses on the historical review of the role of radio as a mean of expanding Western imperialism. From a different perspective, the reflection tries to capture the latest trends in ideological and discursive changes in international radio in Africa: internationalized participation, the promotion of democracy awareness, and the awakening of human rights. The emergence of the new narratives of Africans radio stations, mediated by web radios on the platforms of social networks on the internet and their potential, are other points of reflection. In an analysis of this historical information, the study opted for an interpretative approach to the documentation, conference statements, and literature produced on international radio in Africa, what comes close to the topological analysis developed by sociologist Max Weber on the ideal types, an interpretative and explanatory hermeneutic, in which texts, ideologies, culture and historical periods must be understood as symbols that must be elucidated within their systems of signification. This analysis model extracts typical elements from the bibliographic material and describes them in detail. ; Três marcos históricos permitem uma reflexão sobre as narrativas das rádios transnacionais em África: a expansão de canais transnacionais em África, depois da II Guerra Mundial e o início da Guerra Fria; a realização da "Conferência dos países não alinhados" em Bandung, 1955, que expressava a vontade de soberania dos países da África e Ásia; o "Fórum de meios de comunicação social e desenvolvimento" (2008) realizado em Uagadugu, Burquina Faso, que manifestava a vontade de "descolonização da informação". Estes grandes acontecimentos despertaram um certo interesse no campo dos Estudos da Rádio na África. A presente reflexão tem como objetivo analisar as narrativas das rádios ocidentais em África, concentrando-se na revisão histórica do papel da rádio como meio de expansão do imperialismo ocidental. Numa outra perspetiva, a reflexão tenta capturar as últimas tendências de mudanças ideológicas e discursivas das rádios internacionais em África: a internacionalização comparticipada, a promoção de consciência de democracia e o despertar de direitos humanos. A emergência das novas narrativas das rádios africanas, mediadas por web rádios nas plataformas das redes sociais da internet e as suas potencialidades, constituem outros pontos de reflexão. Numa análise desta informação histórica, o estudo optou por uma abordagem de natureza interpretativa da documentação, declarações de conferências e literatura produzida sobre as rádios internacionais em África, naquilo que se aproxima da análise tipológica desenvolvida pelo sociólogo Max Weber sobre os tipos ideais, ou seja, uma hermenêutica de cunho interpretativo e explicativo, na qual se deve compreender textos, ideologias, culturas e períodos históricos como símbolos que devem ser elucidados dentro de seus próprios sistemas de significação. Este modelo de análise extrai do material bibliográfico os elementos típicos e descreve-os com detalhe.