Suchergebnisse

This research deals with the contemporary mutations of punishment, from the perspective of the Foucauldian hypothesis of an emerging neoliberal governmentality. Neoliberalism seems to be resting upon the decline of disciplinary power techniques, such as described in particular by Michel Foucault in Discipline and Punish. Neoliberalism breaks with monopolistic authority, direct power on bodies, and the institutional detention of individuals. Yet, disciplinary power had, according to Foucault, a privileged link with the prison institution: the prison is the archetype of discipline. It is so to the extent that the calling into question of the disciplinary model of power by the emergence of neoliberal governmentality implies a deeper questioning of the penal system, through the constitution of the prison as a problem. If the prison institution has become problematic, if the penal system is reforming itself through the critique of prison, it is because it has become an obvious archaism, an obsolete art of governing human behaviors, in spite of the permanency and even the increase of the number of incarcerations. The prison thus constitutes a strategic object for the study of the transition between forms of government: neoliberalism can be analyzed through its specific activity both against prison walls and beyond them. It enlightens contemporary phenomena, from internal penal critiques to factual transformations of the general functions of punishment: penal regulation and post-custodial, open and outdoor punishments aiming at rehabilitation (reinsertion). Through the study of these penal mutations, a contemporary, specific apparatus of power can be comprehended. ; Cette recherche traite des mutations contemporaines de la peine à partir de l'hypothèse foucaldienne de l'avènement de la gouvernementalité néolibérale. Le néolibéralisme semble reposer sur le déclin des techniques disciplinaires de pouvoir, telles que décrites en particulier par Foucault (Surveiller et punir). Il fait rupture avec l'autorité ...

Programme doctoral en Science politique ; This research deals with the contemporary mutations of punishment, from the perspective of the Foucauldian hypothesis of an emerging neoliberal governmentality. Neoliberalism seems to be resting upon the decline of disciplinary power techniques, such as described in particular by Michel Foucault in Discipline and Punish. Neoliberalism breaks with monopolistic authority, direct power on bodies, and the institutional detention of individuals. Yet, disciplinary power had, according to Foucault, a privileged link with the prison institution: the prison is the archetype of discipline. It is so to the extent that the calling into question of the disciplinary model of power by the emergence of neoliberal governmentality implies a deeper questioning of the penal system, through the constitution of the prison as a problem. If the prison institution has become problematic, if the penal system is reforming itself through the critique of prison, it is because it has become an obvious archaism, an obsolete art of governing human behaviors, in spite of the permanency and even the increase of the number of incarcerations. The prison thus constitutes a strategic object for the study of the transition between forms of government: neoliberalism can be analyzed through its specific activity both against prison walls and beyond them. It enlightens contemporary phenomena, from internal penal critiques to factual transformations of the general functions of punishment: penal regulation and post-custodial, open and outdoor punishments aiming at rehabilitation (reinsertion). Through the study of these penal mutations, a contemporary, specific apparatus of power can be comprehended. ; Cette recherche traite des mutations contemporaines de la peine à partir de l'hypothèse foucaldienne de l'avènement de la gouvernementalité néolibérale. Le néolibéralisme semble reposer sur le déclin des techniques disciplinaires de pouvoir, telles que décrites en particulier par Foucault (Surveiller et punir). Il ...

Detention of Palestinian Women and Political Engagement (1967–2009) - Confinement is a central experience in the Palestinian Territories occupied by Israel in 1967. Since this date, nearly a third of Palestinians have been imprisoned in Israeli penitentiaries for political reasons. As one generation succeeded another, various modes of confinement have created different Palestinian identities. Up until the first Intifada in 1987, female prisoners were political activists engaged in resistance to the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. After 1987, the arrests became more widespread. The activism of the first generation of prisoners was anchored in the actions of their fathers, becoming a kind of heritage or transmission rooted in the traumas of a childhood linked to occupation. The prison experience itself contributed to the development of political commitments, which were also feminist in nature. The prison was reconstructed as a place of apprenticeship affirming the identity of the political prisoner, which was forged in struggles for better conditions of detention, and which reinforced the strength of the collective national Palestinian body. These struggles posed a strong challenge to the female body, which was particularly targeted in the experience of incarceration and interrogation. Because the female body and female sexuality played such an important role in Palestinian society, the interrogators exploited them as an instrument of pressure. The Palestinian response was to construct arguments which would protect female ex-prisoners from the opprobrium heaped upon them. The prison became a major site in which society gathered against the occupant. With the failure of the Oslo agreements, the Second Intifada in 2000, and the hardening of the prison system as well as partisan divisions among Palestinians, this collective female body has been increasingly weakened by Israeli carceral politics. ; L'enfermement est une expérience centrale dans les Territoires palestiniens occupés par Israël en 1967. ...

Since the second half of the twentieth century, the punitive trend in our societies has led to prison overcrowding. In France, as of January 1, 2020, there were 70,651 inmates in prison for an accommodation capacity of 61,080. Public opinion, which is aware of this issue, and the media obsessed by street crime are exerting political pressure to devise ways of preventing young people from entering a career of delinquency and of reducing high rates of reoffending : three years after release, 2 out of 3 ex-prisoners return to prison.After the development of several sentence adjustments and alternative measures to prison — parole, probation, community service, and more recently, electronic monitoring — probation has had to face a great deal of criticism and develop new insights to respond to its detractors by empirically justifying its contributions. This is even more the case with the rise of rational choice theories to explain crime — highly critical of the role of prevention and probation — whose transcription into public policy in the form of systemic penal hardening has led to an increase in incarceration and reoffending rates.In response, research on desistance has emerged in the United States and has shown that the vast majority of people involved in offending eventually get out of it, often through pathways that stray from the perimeter of institutional actors' interventions, or sad to say, seek to escape their counterproductive effects. Studying the mechanisms that govern the process of desisting from crime in France is thus at the heart of this thesis. The approach presents the originality of collecting the experience of individuals in order to understand the course of desistance and thus completes insights into the effects on and reception by its public of penal policies.In the course of this research, allowed for by the opening of the probation services and those of the city of Paris, 33 tales of desistance were collected on the Parisian territory, using the biographical interview method. The inductive ...

Since the second half of the twentieth century, the punitive trend in our societies has led to prison overcrowding. In France, as of January 1, 2020, there were 70,651 inmates in prison for an accommodation capacity of 61,080. Public opinion, which is aware of this issue, and the media obsessed by street crime are exerting political pressure to devise ways of preventing young people from entering a career of delinquency and of reducing high rates of reoffending : three years after release, 2 out of 3 ex-prisoners return to prison.After the development of several sentence adjustments and alternative measures to prison — parole, probation, community service, and more recently, electronic monitoring — probation has had to face a great deal of criticism and develop new insights to respond to its detractors by empirically justifying its contributions. This is even more the case with the rise of rational choice theories to explain crime — highly critical of the role of prevention and probation — whose transcription into public policy in the form of systemic penal hardening has led to an increase in incarceration and reoffending rates.In response, research on desistance has emerged in the United States and has shown that the vast majority of people involved in offending eventually get out of it, often through pathways that stray from the perimeter of institutional actors' interventions, or sad to say, seek to escape their counterproductive effects. Studying the mechanisms that govern the process of desisting from crime in France is thus at the heart of this thesis. The approach presents the originality of collecting the experience of individuals in order to understand the course of desistance and thus completes insights into the effects on and reception by its public of penal policies.In the course of this research, allowed for by the opening of the probation services and those of the city of Paris, 33 tales of desistance were collected on the Parisian territory, using the biographical interview method. The inductive ...

Since the second half of the twentieth century, the punitive trend in our societies has led to prison overcrowding. In France, as of January 1, 2020, there were 70,651 inmates in prison for an accommodation capacity of 61,080. Public opinion, which is aware of this issue, and the media obsessed by street crime are exerting political pressure to devise ways of preventing young people from entering a career of delinquency and of reducing high rates of reoffending : three years after release, 2 out of 3 ex-prisoners return to prison.After the development of several sentence adjustments and alternative measures to prison — parole, probation, community service, and more recently, electronic monitoring — probation has had to face a great deal of criticism and develop new insights to respond to its detractors by empirically justifying its contributions. This is even more the case with the rise of rational choice theories to explain crime — highly critical of the role of prevention and probation — whose transcription into public policy in the form of systemic penal hardening has led to an increase in incarceration and reoffending rates.In response, research on desistance has emerged in the United States and has shown that the vast majority of people involved in offending eventually get out of it, often through pathways that stray from the perimeter of institutional actors' interventions, or sad to say, seek to escape their counterproductive effects. Studying the mechanisms that govern the process of desisting from crime in France is thus at the heart of this thesis. The approach presents the originality of collecting the experience of individuals in order to understand the course of desistance and thus completes insights into the effects on and reception by its public of penal policies.In the course of this research, allowed for by the opening of the probation services and those of the city of Paris, 33 tales of desistance were collected on the Parisian territory, using the biographical interview method. The inductive ...

Since the second half of the twentieth century, the punitive trend in our societies has led to prison overcrowding. In France, as of January 1, 2020, there were 70,651 inmates in prison for an accommodation capacity of 61,080. Public opinion, which is aware of this issue, and the media obsessed by street crime are exerting political pressure to devise ways of preventing young people from entering a career of delinquency and of reducing high rates of reoffending : three years after release, 2 out of 3 ex-prisoners return to prison.After the development of several sentence adjustments and alternative measures to prison — parole, probation, community service, and more recently, electronic monitoring — probation has had to face a great deal of criticism and develop new insights to respond to its detractors by empirically justifying its contributions. This is even more the case with the rise of rational choice theories to explain crime — highly critical of the role of prevention and probation — whose transcription into public policy in the form of systemic penal hardening has led to an increase in incarceration and reoffending rates.In response, research on desistance has emerged in the United States and has shown that the vast majority of people involved in offending eventually get out of it, often through pathways that stray from the perimeter of institutional actors' interventions, or sad to say, seek to escape their counterproductive effects. Studying the mechanisms that govern the process of desisting from crime in France is thus at the heart of this thesis. The approach presents the originality of collecting the experience of individuals in order to understand the course of desistance and thus completes insights into the effects on and reception by its public of penal policies.In the course of this research, allowed for by the opening of the probation services and those of the city of Paris, 33 tales of desistance were collected on the Parisian territory, using the biographical interview method. The inductive ...

Reconnaissance a detainee appears to be a constant requirement in the long term of prison history. From the former regime to the present day, every person lawfully detained is subject to a special registration procedure which certifies that he or she has entered and left the detention facility. The nut register is thus the official book on which the identity of the detainees is entered. The prisoners were recognised for a long time by the 'morgueur' guard, who had the task of carefully disviewing any new entrant. Until the 19th century, the identification of the litigant generally consisted of a simple statement, verified during the proceedings by the collection of testimonies. However, in order to distinguish between recidivists and certain categories of convicted persons, the judiciary has for a long time used a power to mark guilty bodies. Nowadays, identification by the measure occupies a limited place in the nut procedure at the Prison Registry. It is mainly computerised. However, the 'reporting' part of the incarceration maintains, as a survivor, the mention of size, barb, eye colour, corpulence, hair colour, special signs and observations. The only identification measure is the taking of the left index stamp on the escort record. However, the identification of detainees remains a crucial issue for prison administration. ; International audience ; Reconnaissance a detainee appears to be a constant requirement in the long term of prison history. From the former regime to the present day, every person lawfully detained is subject to a special registration procedure which certifies that he or she has entered and left the detention facility. The nut register is thus the official book on which the identity of the detainees is entered. The prisoners were recognised for a long time by the 'morgueur' guard, who had the task of carefully disviewing any new entrant. Until the 19th century, the identification of the litigant generally consisted of a simple statement, verified during the proceedings by the collection ...

This research deals with the contemporary mutations of punishment, from the perspective of the Foucauldian hypothesis of an emerging neoliberal governmentality. Neoliberalism seems to be resting upon the decline of disciplinary power techniques, such as described in particular by Michel Foucault in Discipline and Punish. Neoliberalism breaks with monopolistic authority, direct power on bodies, and the institutional detention of individuals. Yet, disciplinary power had, according to Foucault, a privileged link with the prison institution: the prison is the archetype of discipline. It is so to the extent that the calling into question of the disciplinary model of power by the emergence of neoliberal governmentality implies a deeper questioning of the penal system, through the constitution of the prison as a problem. If the prison institution has become problematic, if the penal system is reforming itself through the critique of prison, it is because it has become an obvious archaism, an obsolete art of governing human behaviors, in spite of the permanency and even the increase of the number of incarcerations. The prison thus constitutes a strategic object for the study of the transition between forms of government: neoliberalism can be analyzed through its specific activity both against prison walls and beyond them. It enlightens contemporary phenomena, from internal penal critiques to factual transformations of the general functions of punishment: penal regulation and post-custodial, open and outdoor punishments aiming at rehabilitation (reinsertion). Through the study of these penal mutations, a contemporary, specific apparatus of power can be comprehended. ; Cette recherche traite des mutations contemporaines de la peine à partir de l'hypothèse foucaldienne de l'avènement de la gouvernementalité néolibérale. Le néolibéralisme semble reposer sur le déclin des techniques disciplinaires de pouvoir, telles que décrites en particulier par Foucault (Surveiller et punir). Il fait rupture avec l'autorité monopolistique, avec le pouvoir direct sur les corps, avec la fixation institutionnelle des individus. Or le pouvoir disciplinaire entretenait chez Foucault un lien privilégié avec l'institution carcérale : la prison, c'est l'archétype disciplinaire. Si bien que la mise en question de ce modèle disciplinaire général du pouvoir par l'avènement de la gouvernementalité néolibérale implique une réinterrogation du système pénal, qui s'est présentée par l'entremise d'un problème-prison. Si la prison pose problème aujourd'hui, si le système pénal se réforme autour de la critique de la prison, c'est parce que la prison est devenue un archaïsme visible, une forme désuète de l'art de gouverner les comportements humains, et ce malgré la permanence et l'accélération de l'enfermement. La prison constitue ainsi un problème stratégique de cette transition des formes de gouvernement : le néolibéralisme s'éclaire dans son exercice contre les murs, et hors des murs du carcéral ; il éclaire en retour le mouvement contemporain de contestation critique et de transformation effective des fonctions pénales générales : la régulation pénale et les peines ouvertes dites de réinsertion. De sorte qu'un dispositif de pouvoir contemporain distinct puisse être appréhendé.

Programme doctoral en Science politique ; This research deals with the contemporary mutations of punishment, from the perspective of the Foucauldian hypothesis of an emerging neoliberal governmentality. Neoliberalism seems to be resting upon the decline of disciplinary power techniques, such as described in particular by Michel Foucault in Discipline and Punish. Neoliberalism breaks with monopolistic authority, direct power on bodies, and the institutional detention of individuals. Yet, disciplinary power had, according to Foucault, a privileged link with the prison institution: the prison is the archetype of discipline. It is so to the extent that the calling into question of the disciplinary model of power by the emergence of neoliberal governmentality implies a deeper questioning of the penal system, through the constitution of the prison as a problem. If the prison institution has become problematic, if the penal system is reforming itself through the critique of prison, it is because it has become an obvious archaism, an obsolete art of governing human behaviors, in spite of the permanency and even the increase of the number of incarcerations. The prison thus constitutes a strategic object for the study of the transition between forms of government: neoliberalism can be analyzed through its specific activity both against prison walls and beyond them. It enlightens contemporary phenomena, from internal penal critiques to factual transformations of the general functions of punishment: penal regulation and post-custodial, open and outdoor punishments aiming at rehabilitation (reinsertion). Through the study of these penal mutations, a contemporary, specific apparatus of power can be comprehended. ; Cette recherche traite des mutations contemporaines de la peine à partir de l'hypothèse foucaldienne de l'avènement de la gouvernementalité néolibérale. Le néolibéralisme semble reposer sur le déclin des techniques disciplinaires de pouvoir, telles que décrites en particulier par Foucault (Surveiller et punir). Il fait rupture avec l'autorité monopolistique, avec le pouvoir direct sur les corps, avec la fixation institutionnelle des individus. Or le pouvoir disciplinaire entretenait chez Foucault un lien privilégié avec l'institution carcérale : la prison, c'est l'archétype disciplinaire. Si bien que la mise en question de ce modèle disciplinaire général du pouvoir par l'avènement de la gouvernementalité néolibérale implique une réinterrogation du système pénal, qui s'est présentée par l'entremise d'un problème-prison. Si la prison pose problème aujourd'hui, si le système pénal se réforme autour de la critique de la prison, c'est parce que la prison est devenue un archaïsme visible, une forme désuète de l'art de gouverner les comportements humains, et ce malgré la permanence et l'accélération de l'enfermement. La prison constitue ainsi un problème stratégique de cette transition des formes de gouvernement : le néolibéralisme s'éclaire dans son exercice contre les murs, et hors des murs du carcéral ; il éclaire en retour le mouvement contemporain de contestation critique et de transformation effective des fonctions pénales générales : la régulation pénale et les peines ouvertes dites de réinsertion. De sorte qu'un dispositif de pouvoir contemporain distinct puisse être appréhendé.

Loin d'être limitée aux barbelés des camps ou aux frontières d'un seul pays, la détention des militaires allemands demeure un aspect méconnu dans le contexte particulier des relations triangulaires entre Ottawa, Washington et Londres. Comment traiter les « soldats d'Hitler » ? explore donc la dynamique politique établie entre les autorités canadiennes, américaines et britanniques à l'égard du traitement des prisonniers de guerre allemands. Au cours de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, ces forces alliées détiennent quelque 600 000 « soldats d'Hitler » sur leur territoire respectif. Bien que gérées par chaque État, ces opérations d'incarcération soulèvent plusieurs enjeux associés à la coopération interalliée. Cette analyse détaillée compare le régime de captivité développé par chaque gouvernement selon ses prérogatives nationales et fait état d'importantes divergences entre les trois Alliés de l'Atlantique Nord dans la prise en charge de ces soldats ennemis. Jean-Michel Turcotte fait le bilan des politiques respectives et communes de ces autorités qui résultent de la participation à des projets conjoints, de rencontres périodiques visant à mieux coordonner leurs actions, de la consultation et de la correspondance les uns avec les autres, des échanges sur les problèmes liés à la détention de guerre et aux solutions apportées. Il présente également le positionnement des États concernant la Convention de Genève de 1929, la mise au travail des détenus et le programme de dénazification. Les conditions de la captivité des soldats allemands sont donc le résultat d'une influence mutuelle, entre les trois principales puissances détentrices sur le front Ouest, issue de l'expérience de chacun. Suivant cet argument, l'auteur met en lumière le rôle déterminant qu'occupe le Canada au sein des Alliés à cette époque. ; Far from being restricted to barbed wire camps or within the borders of a single nation, the detention of German soldiers remains a little-known part of history in the specific context of the triangular relationships between Ottawa, Washington, D.C., and London. It is from this perspective that the book Comment traiter les « soldats d'Hitler ? » (How to Treat "Hitler's Soldiers"?) explores the political dynamics between Canadian, American, and British authorities regarding the treatment of German prisoners of war. Throughout the Second World War, these Allied forces detained close to 600,000 of "Hitler's soldiers" on their respective territories. While managed by each state, these incarceration operations raise several issues involving interallied cooperation. This detailed analysis compares the captivity regimes developed by each government according to their national prerogatives and looks at important differences in how the three North Atlantic Allies dealt with enemy soldiers. Turcotte takes stock of the countries' common and respective policies, which stemmed from participation in joint projects, regular meetings looking to better coordinate their actions, consultations and correspondence between them, as well as discussions on problems tied to the detention of prisoners of war and the solutions put forth. It also presents each state's position on the 1929 Geneva Convention, the forced labour of detainees, and the denazification program. The conditions of captivity for German soldiers were therefore the result of mutual influence between the three main detaining powers of the Western Front, which was shaped by each of their experience. Following this argument, the author brings to light the key role Canada played within the Allied forces at the time. Published in French.

Detention of Palestinian Women and Political Engagement (1967–2009) - Confinement is a central experience in the Palestinian Territories occupied by Israel in 1967. Since this date, nearly a third of Palestinians have been imprisoned in Israeli penitentiaries for political reasons. As one generation succeeded another, various modes of confinement have created different Palestinian identities. Up until the first Intifada in 1987, female prisoners were political activists engaged in resistance to the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. After 1987, the arrests became more widespread. The activism of the first generation of prisoners was anchored in the actions of their fathers, becoming a kind of heritage or transmission rooted in the traumas of a childhood linked to occupation. The prison experience itself contributed to the development of political commitments, which were also feminist in nature. The prison was reconstructed as a place of apprenticeship affirming the identity of the political prisoner, which was forged in struggles for better conditions of detention, and which reinforced the strength of the collective national Palestinian body. These struggles posed a strong challenge to the female body, which was particularly targeted in the experience of incarceration and interrogation. Because the female body and female sexuality played such an important role in Palestinian society, the interrogators exploited them as an instrument of pressure. The Palestinian response was to construct arguments which would protect female ex-prisoners from the opprobrium heaped upon them. The prison became a major site in which society gathered against the occupant. With the failure of the Oslo agreements, the Second Intifada in 2000, and the hardening of the prison system as well as partisan divisions among Palestinians, this collective female body has been increasingly weakened by Israeli carceral politics. ; L'enfermement est une expérience centrale dans les Territoires palestiniens occupés par Israël en 1967. Depuis cette date, près d'un tiers des Palestiniens ont été incarcérés dans les établissements pénitentiaires israéliens pour des raisons politiques. Ce mouvement concerne aussi les femmes. Plusieurs générations se sont succédé et différents modes d'incarcération ont créé des subjectivités distinctes. Jusqu'à la première Intifada, en 1987, les femmes emprisonnées étaient des politiques engagées dans la résistance à l'occupation de la Cisjordanie et de la bande de Gaza. Puis les arrestations sont devenues plus massives. L'engagement des premières prisonnières s'est d'abord construit vis-à-vis de leurs pères, comme un héritage ou une transmission ancrés sur des traumatismes d'enfance liés à l'occupation. Le moment carcéral a contribué à élaborer des engagements politiques qui ont aussi été des engagements féministes et la prison reconstruite comme un lieu d'apprentissage affirmant une identité de prisonnière politique, forgée dans les luttes conduites pour améliorer les conditions de détentions et renforçant le corps collectif national palestinien. Ces combats ont fortement mis en jeu les corps féminins particulièrement éprouvés par l'incarcération et les interrogatoires. Parce que le corps des femmes et leur sexualité représentent un enjeu au sein de la société palestinienne, les interrogateurs les ont utilisés comme moyens de pression. En retour, des argumentaires se sont construits pour protéger les femmes de l'opprobre jeté sur les ex-détenues. La prison a été un lieu majeur où la société a fait corps contre l'occupant. Mais avec l'échec des accords d'Oslo, la seconde Intifada en 2000 et le durcissement du système carcéral et les divisions partisanes palestiniens, ce corps collectif est de plus en plus éprouvé par la politique israélienne du tout carcéral.

Une littérature dynamique en économie du crime a, au cours des dernières années, proposé des analyses qui permettent de mieux comprendre l'impact des programmes de réinsertion sur la récidive observée des criminels. Cependant, l'impact, et l'hétérogénéité de l'impact de tels programmes sur le potentiel criminogène latent des individus, en particulier chez les récidivistes, demeure inconnu. Bien qu'elle soit importante d'un point de vue des politiques publiques et de gestion des ressources en milieu carcéral, il est difficile de répondre à cette question car le potentiel criminogène des individus n'est généralement pas observable. En utilisant des données du ministère de la Sécurité publique du Québec, ce mémoire propose une réponse à ce problème. En mesurant le potentiel criminogène de récidivistes à l'aide du LS/CMI, un outil actuariel évaluant les risques de récidive et les besoins des individus, il estime comment ce dernier peut être influencé par la participation à des programmes de réinsertion sociales lors d'une sentence initiale. Ce mémoire évalue également l'hétérogénéité de ces impacts en fonction du milieu socioéconomique dans lequel se retrouve le détenu à sa sortie du milieu carcéral. Un modèle à variables instrumentales pour contrecarrer l'endogénéité de la participation volontaire des individus aux différents programmes de réinsertion sociale est utilisé. Pour ce faire, la participation à un programme est instrumentée par la propension de participation des autres détenus évalués par l'évaluateur ayant évalué l'individu au LS/CMI lors de sa première incarcération. Des effets non-statistiquement significatifs de la participation sur le potentiel d'amélioration des récidivistes masculins sont estimés. L'estimation d'effets positifs de plus grande magnitude à l'aide de la méthode des variables instrumentales comparativement à un modèle linéaire en probabilité est observée. Cela laisse croire que les individus avec un plus grand potentiel d'amélioration ne sont pas les individus qui ont davantage tendance à participer aux programmes. Un impact positif des programmes sur l'évolution du potentiel criminogène pourrait être observé pour la population criminelle n'étant pas réévaluée par le LS/CMI, puisqu'elle ne récidive pas pour une peine de plus de 6 mois. Du point de vue de gains de société, une amélioration du potentiel criminogène s'exprime par des présences plus courtes en détention et d'actes criminels moins graves résultant en des économies d'investissement à long terme. ; A dynamic literature in the economics of crime has, in recent years, offered analyses that allow us to better understand the impact of reintegration programs on the observed recidivism of criminals. However, the impact and the heterogenity of the impact of such programs on the latent criminogenic tendency of individuals, particularly among repeat offenders, remains unknown. Although it is important from the point of view of public policies and management of resources in prisons, it is difficult to answer this question because the criminogenic tendency of individuals is generally not observable. Using data from the Quebec Ministry of Public Security, this thesis proposes an answer to this problem. Measuring the criminogenic tendency of repeat offenders using LS/CMI, an actuarial tool that assesses the risks of recidivism and the needs of individuals, it estimates how the latter can be influenced by participation in social reintegration programs during a previous sentence. This thesis also assesses the heterogeneity of these impacts depending on the socioeconomic environment in which the inmate finds himself when he leaves prison. I use an instrumental variable stratgy to address the endogeneity of the offenders' participation in different social reintegration programs. More specifically, I instrument the participation in a program by the estimated propensity of the evaluator, randomly assigned to an offender on his first incarceration, to incentivize inmates to register for such programs. The estimated impacts, positive and not statiscally significant, are larger in magnitude with an IV method than with a non-instrumented linear probability model, suggesting that the inmates who have the most to gain from reinsertion programs are not systematically the ones who sign up for them. This finding suggests that the programs might have an even larger positive impact on the criminogenic tendencies of the population of individual for whom such an evolution is not observed given that they never receive a second LS/CMI evaluation. From the point of view of societal gains, an improvement in the criminogenic potential translates into a shorter presence in detention and less serious criminal acts resulting in long-term savings of investment.

Dieser Artikel stellt die Frage der Integrierung einer sanitären Vorgehensweise in die Gerichtsentscheidungen vermittels der Analyse der Art, mit der Angeklagte, Richter und Rechtsanwälte Gesundheitsvorfälle im Verlauf der Strafprozesse einbringen. Ausge-hend von Beobachtungen, die über ein Jahr in den drei Abteilungen einer Gerichts-kammer zum sofortigen Erscheinen geführt wurden und von der Herstellung einer Datenbank aus diesen Beobachtungen (n = 290), zeigen wir, daß die Krankheit ein For-schungsfeld für die Richter darstellt, die in ihrer Logik der Strafindividualisierung, die Angeklagten dazu veranlassen, ein "Gesundheitsproblem" vorzubringen. Diejenigen, die sich als krank erweisen, werden anschließend systematisch zu ihrer Verpflichtung zu einer medizinischen Behandlung befragt. Die Regressionsanalysen zeigen daß letztere stark den Rechtsspruch bestimmt. Die Angeklagten, die sich in einer medizinischen Behandlung befinden, werden vor dem Gefängnis beschützt, während die, die sich nicht behandeln lassen, meist sofort nach ihrem Prozeß in das Gefängnis gebracht werden. Diese Ergebnisse und die Analyse der argumentativen Verfahren mit denen diese "Gesundheitsprobleme" in die Gerichtsverhöre eingebracht werden, legen die Erwar-tungen klar, auf denen die Richter ihre Entscheidungen aufbauen. Diese nehmen die Form von drei normativen Imperativen an, die ihrerseits auf alle Angeklagten lasten und zu einer überwiegenden Inhaftierung der am wenigsten krankenversicherten unter ihnen führt, und dabei, die Kranken, die sich nicht behandeln lassen. ; This article examines the inclusion of a health approach in judicial decisions through an analysis of legal proceedings whereby defendants, judges and lawyers use health issues during criminal trials. Based on observations conducted over the course of a year in three sections of a summary trial court and the creation of a database from these obser- vations (n = 290), we show that illness is an approach explored by magistrates who, following a rationale of individualizing punishment, encourage defendants to reveal their "health problems". Those who are shown to be ill are then systematically questioned on their involvement in medical care. Regression analysis reveals that this care strongly determines the criminal punishment. Defendants undergoing medical treatment are "pro- tected" from prison while those who are not receiving treatment are more often sent straight to prison at the end of their trials. These results and the analysis of arguments in which "health problems" are used in the course of hearings, emphasize the supposi- tions on which judges base their decisions, and which take the form of three normative imperatives affecting all defendants. This leads to the over-incarceration of the most marginalized, among them, the sick who are not undergoing treatment. ; Este artículo interroga la integración de un planteamiento sanitario en las decisiones judiciales a través del análisis de los procesos por los que justiciables, magistrados y abogados movilizan problemas de salud en el marco de juicios penales. A partir de observaciones conducidas a lo largo de un año en las tres secciones de una audiencia de comparecencia inmediata y de la constitución de una base de datos sacada de estas observaciones (n = 290), demostramos que la enfermedad es una de las facetas explo-radas por los magistrados que, siguiendo una lógica de individualización de la pena, incitan a los justiciables a revelar un "problema de salud". A los que revelan estar enfermos se les cuestiona luego acerca del seguimiento médico que tengan. Los aná-lisis de regresión señalan el hecho de que esto determina mucho la sanción penal. Los justiciables que reciben un tratamiento médico están "apartados" de la cárcel mientras que a los que no se tratan las más veces se les lleva ahí directamente después del juicio. Estos resultados y el análisis de los recursos argumentativos para movilizar estos "problemas de salud" en los debates de audiencia evidencian los presupuestos a partir de los cuales los jueces establecen sus decisiones, bajo la forma de tres imperativos normativos que pesan sobre el conjunto de los justiciables, y que conducen a una mayor probabilidad de incarceración de los más aislados de ellos, entre éstos los enfermos sin seguimiento médico. ; Cet article interroge l'intégration d'une approche sanitaire dans les déci-sions judiciaires à travers l'analyse des procédés par lesquels justiciables, magistrats et avocats mobilisent des événements de santé au cours de procès pénaux. À partir d'observations conduites pendant un an dans les trois sections d'une chambre de comparution immédiate et de la constitution d'une base de données issue de ces observations (n = 290), nous montrons que la maladie est un registre d'exploration pour les magistrats qui, poursuivant une logique d'individualisation de la peine, incitent les jus-ticiables à révéler un « problème de santé ». Ceux qui révèlent être malades sont ensuite systématiquement questionnés sur leur engagement dans une prise en charge médi-cale. Les analyses de régression font apparaître que cette dernière détermine fortement la sanction pénale. Les justiciables engagés dans une démarche de soins sont « pro-tégés » de la prison tandis que ceux qui ne se soignent pas y sont plus souvent direc-tement conduits à l'issue de leur procès. Ces résultats et l'analyse des procédés argumentatifs par lesquels ces « problèmes de santé » sont mobilisés au cours des débats d'audience mettent en évidence les attentes à partir desquelles les juges construisent leurs décisions, qui prennent la forme de trois impératifs normatifs pesant sur l'ensemble des justiciables et conduisant à une surincarcération des plus désaffiliés d'entre eux, parmi lesquels les malades qui ne se soignent pas. Mots-clés. JUSTICE PÉNALE – SANTÉ – SENTENCING – INDIVIDUALISATION DE LA PEINE – IMPÉRATIFS NORMATIFS Novembre 2010, Palais de justice de Paris. Dans la chambre correctionnelle dédiée aux comparutions immédiates, un homme se tient cramponné à la balustrade du box des accusés. Il ne quitte pas des yeux les trois juges qui lui font face. Célibataire, âgé de 46 ans et ayant pour seules ressources le revenu de solidarité active, il est accusé d'un vol aggravé par deux circonstances : l'usage de la violence (n'ayant pas entraîné d'incapacité totale de travail) et l'état de récidive légale. Le juge présidant l'audience reprend à voix haute les qualifications pénales de la quinzaine de condam-nations que compte son casier judiciaire, puis il résume les faits qui lui sont reprochés. Ces derniers se sont déroulés la veille ; un étudiant de 25 ans marchait dans une rue de Paris, la sacoche de son ordinateur à la main, lorsqu'un homme surgit devant lui, le projeta au sol et lui arracha sa sacoche des mains. L'homme fut pris en flagrant délit et l'ordinateur et la sacoche furent restitués à l'étudiant. Cette recherche a bénéficié du soutien de Sidaction et du Fonds de dotation Pierre Bergé. Nous tenons à remercier Frédérique Leblanc pour ses commentaires sur la première version de cet article, ainsi que Baptiste Brossard, Philippe Combessie et les relecteurs anonymes de la RFS.

Of Illegitimacy -- The HDR consists of three volumes. The first one is a report on the work carried out over the last fifteen years which gives its title to the set, Of Illegitimacy (Volume 1, 124 p.). It proposes an epistemological reflection on a research career, on reflexivity and the social science perspective from several research themes : the anthropological history of Palestinian refugees; gender, body and affects; secular and religious feminisms in Arab and Muslim societies; images and regimes of visibility and invisibility; borders, confinement and mobility in Israeli-Palestinian spaces; prison in Israel/Palestine; the challenges of narrative in the social sciences and post-disciplinarity around documentary cinema; engagement and alternative citizenships in Palestine and the Middle East. The issue of illegitimacy is at the core of this analysis. It deals with illegitimacy as an approach and with the illegitimate ones, those who are out of frame. It sets out the contours of an epistemology of illegitimacy constructed from a radical feminist positioning and a cinematographic epistemology.The second volume is an original manuscript, The Prison Web. A History of Imprisonment in Palestine (504 p., forthcoming), and finally the third one is a a selection of articles and works (624 p.).Since 1967, in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, incarceration in Israeli prisons has strongly impacted personal experiences and collective history. Massive arrests for political reasons have over time created a Prison web. A Prison web that is as much reality as it is virtuality: a possibility of imprisonment, a suspension without contours. It is both visible and always out of frame. It stands as an uncertainty. The penal practices applied to Palestinians residing in the Occupied Territories are decisive control mechanisms that contribute to a bordering system that is anchored on a specific mobility regime. They are part of the management of the nation's borders. Such borders are non-linear, have multiplied, are partly dematerialized, mobile and networked. At the same time, they are individualized and endless. Node and nucleus of the rhizome of control, the prison is not an isolate. Because of the porosity between the Inside and the Outside of the prison facilities, it is a key place to analyze the political processes and mobilizations in Palestine, and the prison citizenships that are developed there. The effects of this intertwining of Inside and Outside extend not only to the community of prisoners and former prisoners, but also to partisan and activist circles, to society, to Palestinian communities in the West Bank, Jerusalem, Gaza and Israel, and to the inhabitants of the occupied Golan Heights. Over time, this porosity has melted the Inside and Outside into a shared prison ethos. The Prison web has captured territorial and relational space, bodies and minds. This text addresses the borders between these spaces. It analyzes the relations, the interconnections between the Inside and the Outside. It deals with the prison subjectivities from 1967 onwards, through generations of inmates. The omnipresence of the prison has strongly influenced subjectivities in the Territories. As a socialization process, prison is incorporated. It affects deeply gender relations, masculinities, feminities and personal experiences. For some, it is an endless place whose hold lasts post-mortem. ; Ce dossier de HDR est composé de trois volumes. Le mémoire de synthèse, L'illégitime (Volume 1,124 p.) donne son titre à l'ensemble. Autour de la question de l'illégitime comme trame, comme approche, et des illégitimes - celles et ceux qui se trouvent hors-champ - comme sujets, ce texte propose une réflexion épistémologique sur un parcours et sur le point de vue à partir de grands thèmes de recherche : l'histoire anthropologique des réfugié·es palestiniens ; le genre, le corps et les affects ; les féminismes, séculiers et religieux, dans les sociétés arabes et musulmanes ; les images et les régimes de visibilité et d'invisibilité ; les frontières, l'enfermement et les mobilités dans les espaces israélo-palestiniens ; le carcéral en Israël/Palestine ; les enjeux de la narration en sciences sociales et de la post-disciplinarité autour du cinéma documentaire ; l'engagement et les citoyennetés alternatives en Palestine et au Moyen-Orient. Il pose les contours d'une épistémologie de l'illégitime construite à partir d'un positionnement féministe radical et d'une épistémologie cinématographique. Le manuscrit original La toile carcérale. Une histoire de l'enfermement en Palestine compose le Volume 2 (504 p, en cours de publication), et une sélection d'articles et travaux le Volume 3 (624 p.).Dans les Territoires palestiniens, depuis l'occupation de 1967, le passage par les prisons israéliennes a marqué les histoires personnelles et collective. Les arrestations et les incarcérations massives pour des motifs d'ordre politique ont au fil du temps installé une toile carcérale. Une toile carcérale qui est tout autant réalité que virtualité : une possibilité d'emprisonner, une suspension sans contours, à la fois visible et toujours hors-champ, une incertitude. Les pratiques pénales appliquées aux Palestiniens résidents des Territoires occupés sont des dispositifs de contrôle déterminants qui contribuent à un système frontalier (bordering system) qui s'ancre sur un régime de mobilité spécifique. Elles participent de la gestion des frontières de la nation : des frontières non-linéaires, qui se sont multipliées, sont en partie dématérialisées, mobiles et réticulaires (networked) et, dans le même temps, individualisées et sans fin. Nœud et noyau du rhizome de contrôle, la prison n'est pas un isolat. En raison de la porosité entre l'intérieur et l'extérieur des facilités carcérales, entre Dedans et Dehors, elle est un lieu clef pour analyser les processus politiques et les mobilisations en Palestine, à partir des citoyennetés carcérales qui s'y élaborent. Les effets de cette imbrication entre Dedans et Dehors s'étendent non seulement à la communauté des prisonnières, des prisonniers et des anciens détenu·es mais aussi aux milieux partisans et militants, à la société, aux communautés palestiniennes de Cisjordanie, de Jérusalem, de Gaza et d'Israël, aux habitants du Golan occupé. Avec le temps, cette porosité a fondu le Dedans et le Dehors dans un ethos carcéral partagé. La toile a capté l'espace territorial, relationnel, les corps et les têtes. Ce texte se situe dans l'entre-deux entre Dedans et Dehors, à la frontière entre ces espaces. Il analyse les relations, les interconnexions entre le Dedans et le Dehors, les subjectivités carcérales de 1967 à aujourd'hui, à travers les générations carcérales qui se sont succédé. L'omniprésence de la prison a fortement agi sur les subjectivités dans les Territoires. Mode de socialisation, la prison est aussi incorporée. Elle a eu des effets profonds sur les relations de genre, les masculinités, les féminités, et sur les vécus personnels. Elle est, pour certains, un lieu sans fin dont l'emprise perdure post-mortem.