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In: The Sun Never Sets, S. 350-374
In: Handbook of Families & Poverty, S. 269-287
In: The Wiley-Blackwell Companion to Political Sociology, S. 214-225
In: Democratic Theory and Mass Incarceration, S. 18-32
In: Postwestern Cultures, S. 172-185
ISSN: 2632-6663
In: Democratic Theory and Mass Incarceration, S. 213-237
In: Imaginary Boundaries of Justice : Social and Legal Justice across Disciplines
ISSN: 0032-8855
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"The Drug Policy in the Americas From a Gender Perspective" published on by Oxford University Press.
Discusses the role of perceived social emergencies in determining the number & type of criminals subjected to incarceration, with a specific focus on Italian imprisonment trends since the 1960s. Analysis of statistical data suggests that the number of offenses committed does not account for the prison population. Although changes in legislation may affect the prison population, it is argued that shifts in the public perception of certain crimes & criminals are primarily responsible for changes in incarceration trends. Publicly perceived emergencies stigmatize certain crimes & criminals, & these offenses receive the greatest punishment during emergency periods. With respect to the Italian data, increases in prison populations were associated with public alarm over armed robbery (1960s), terrorists (1970s), drug users/dealers & the Mafia (1980s), & corrupt politicians (1990s). Although the emergencies initially led to high imprisonment rates for the stigmatized crimes, incarceration rates increased for all or most crimes during times of great social alarm. 4 Tables, 58 References. T. Sevier
Examines the political & social factors leading to the transformation of the Swedish prison system. Since the 1970s, Sweden had been praised for its humane penal system, which incorporated short prison sentences, welfare benefits, the right to leave prison for special occasions, & emphasis on rehabilitation. However, perceived increases in crime rates & drug abuse led to more restrictive penal policies during the 1980s, & in 1991, a conservative government came into power, boosted by an anticrime compaign that called for longer & more repressive prison sentences. Although an economic crisis brought the Social Democratic Party back into power in 1994, this government has maintained many of the conservative government's innovations, including mandatory incarceration for 66% of a sentence, electronic tagging of certain criminals, & harsher drug policies. However, the Social Democrats have also recommitted themselves to incarceration alternatives & crime prevention through welfare, education, drug programs, etc. It is concluded that the shift toward a more punitive & exclusionary philosophy is the product of recent social, political, & media attitudes that regard crime & criminals (especially drugs) as an external attack on Swedish values. 5 Tables, 40 References. T. Sevier
The nature & impacts of various forms of penal system organization across Western Europe are discussed, focusing on both traditional forms of incarceration & the alternatives utilized by various countries. Different penal sanctions are related to gender, class, race, sentence, & offense variables. Beginning in the 1970s & achieving institutionalization in recent years, a number of trends have characterized the European penal system: increased & intensified discussion of disciplinary issues, moves toward authoritarian law & order, & the erosion of welfare states. It is concluded that alternatives to the increased authority & control of penal systems are available & necessary. 53 References. T. Sevier
It is contended that inner-city African Americans are the victims of genocidal practices rather than political oppression. Overviews of the dimensions of genocide, the notion of indirect genocide, the concept of self-destruction, & the belief that genocide is predictable & intentional are presented. Data collected in the 1981 & 1991 Mortality Detail data sets from the Centers for Disease Control & Prevention were analyzed to determine differences between white & black American death rates. Findings revealed a proportional deficit of more than 1 million deaths for white American males & females & an excess of almost 125,000 deaths for black American males & females. In addition, the results showed that black Americans were more than 25 times more likely to die from homicide than white Americans. Additional research concerning the extent of poverty, social deprivation, poor health, economic marginality, incarceration, & loss of personal security among African Americans in urban regions is discussed to further illustrate the genocidal conditions experienced by African Americans. It is concluded that American society must protect marginalized groups from becoming victims of genocide. 3 Tables, 98 References. J. W. Parker