Suchergebnisse

A.B.D'nin 1945 yılında Japonya'nın iki kentine atom bombası atması sonucunda, Sovyetler Birliği, bir silâh yarışını ateşleyerek, atom silâhlarını geliştiren ve nükleer bölünmede küresel bir menfaati olan ikinci devlet olmuştur. Geleneksel nükleer silâhlar, tek tehdit değildir. 11 Eylül olayları da, teröristlerin, dünyanın nükleer güç istasyonları ve araçlarını hedef alabileceğine dair endişeleri arttırmıştır .İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrasında nükleer silâhların giderek yayılma eğiliminin görülmesi üzerine, bu silâhların kontrolüne ve sınırlandırılmasına dair yapılan müzakereler, sayı olarak azalmalarına yol açmıştır. Nükleer caydırıcılık hususunun, oldukça uzun bir süredir barışın sürdürülmesine katkıda bulunduğuna dair yaygın bir kanı vardır. Ayrıca, nükleer silâh kullanımı, en azından bazı nükleer güçlerce sadece son çare olarak değil, aynı zamanda dünyanın herhangi bir noktasında kimyasal, biyolojik veya hatta konvansiyonel silâhlarla yapılan bir saldırıya karşılık vermenin bir yolu olarak da dikkate alınmıştır. Nükleer silâh kullanımının, herhangi bir çekince ileri sürülmeden yasaklanmaması durumunda, dünyanın nükleer tehlikelerden tam anlamıyla arındırılması mümkün olamayacaktır. Bu yazıyla, silâh kullanımına dair mevcut sınırlama ve uygulanabilecek hukuk gözönüne alınarak, söz konusu nihai amaca ulaşmak için gelecekte neler yapılabileceğinin değerlendirilmesi amaçlanmıştır. ; As a result of United States' bombing of two Japanese cities in 1945, the Soviet Union, by setting fire of a weapon competition, became the second State which has developed nuclear weapons and has global interest in the nuclear division. The general nuclear weapons are not the only risk. The September 11th incident has been increased concerns about the world's nuclear power stations and means that could be target of the terrorists. After the Second World War, an increasing trend of proliferation of nuclear weapons have led to negotiations on the control and restrictions that would be concluded with reduction of these weapons as number. There is a fairly widespread belief that nuclear deterrence helped to maintain peace over several decades. Moreover, the employment of nuclear weapons is now envisaged - at least by some nuclear powers - not only as a last resort, but also as a way to react to any attacks committed with chemical or biological or even conventional weapons. As long as the use of nuclear weapons has not been unreservedly prohibited, the efforts to create a nuclear-weapon-free world will remain useless. This article, considering existing restrictions and applicable law on the use of weapons, intends to determine what the future works are, in order to reach this aim eventually.

XIX. yy.'ın sonlarında, Rusya Müslümanları, Rusya'nın değişik yerleşim birimlerinde, farklı yasal ve idarî statülere tabi olarak yaşamaktaydılar. Aynı etnik köken ve aynı dine sahip olmalarına rağmen iletişimin çok kısıtlı olması nedeniyle birbirlerinden habersizdiler. Şiveleri farklı, eğitim seviyeleri oldukça düşüktü. Böyle bir ortamda İsmail Gaspıralı gazetesi Tercüman vasıtasıyla dil birliği ve temel eğitimde ilk adımları atarak koyu bir taassup, asimilasyon gibi engellere rağmen Rusya Müslümanlarının uyanmasında büyük rol oynadı. Rus-Japon savaşının sonuçları Rusya içindeki huzursuzluğu ziyadesiyle arttırmıştı. İmparator II. Nikola 1905 ihtilâlinin şiddetini azaltmak maksadıyla ödün vermeye başladı. Çeşitli hak ve hürriyetler tanınmasının yanı sıra rejim değişikliğine de gidildi. Bu değişim sürecinde Rusya Müslümanları yaptıkları üç büyük toplantı sırasında iyi ve kötü taraflarıyla birbirlerini tanıma fırsatını buldular ve Müslüman ittifakını tesis ederek siyaset platformunda seslerini duyurmaya başladılar. Rusya Müslümanlarının başta eşitlik ve hürriyet olmak üzere isteklerinin çoğuna olumlu cevap verildi. İnkılâbın ilk döneminde, Ruslar ile Müslümanlar arasında hukukî ayrımlar kalktı. Rusya Müslümanları, Ruslarla eşit haklara sahip Rusya vatandaşları olarak haklarını arama ve savunma çabası içine girdiler. Her üç Millet Meclisinde Müslüman Fraksiyonunu teşkil ederek dinî, iktisadî, kültürel ve siyasî istekleri tek elden takibe başladılar. Ancak vatandaş eşitliği, din ve eğitim sorunları dışındaki konularda Hükümetle anlaşmaları mümkün olmadı. Özellikle toprak meselesinde çözüm gerçekleşmediği için referandum bahane edilerek I. Millet Meclisi, solcuların inkılâp faaliyetleri bahane edilerek II. Millet Meclisi kapatıldı. Bundan sonraki siyasî hayatta, geriye dönüş başladı ve III. Millet Meclisinden itibaren sağ görüşlüler (Hükûmet yanlıları) siyasete hakim oldu. 1905-1907 sürecinde toprak ve göç konusunda başarı sağlanamamasına rağmen Rusya Müslümanları için en büyük kazanç, millî bir kimliğin kazanılması, yasal olarak vatandaş eşitliğine kavuşulması ve kısmen de olsa sosyo-kültürel avantajlara sahip olunmasıydı. At the end of the nineteenth century, the Muslims of Russia lived in various parts of Russia under different administrative status. Although they belonged to the same ethnic background and belief, they were aware of each other to a limited degree due to lack of effective means of communication and transportation. Their dialects differed from each other while in general they had a low degree of education. In such an environment, Ismail Gaspirali's newspaper Tercüman played a very important role in the awakening of the Muslims of Russia by taking primary steps in linguistic union and fundamental education although he confronted with the obstacles such as fanaticism and assimilation policies of the Czarist government. The results of Russo-Japanese War increased the existing dissatisfaction within the Russian Empire. Emperor Nicolas II felt to compromise with the requests in order to relieve the pressure of circumstances of the 1905 Revolution. He accepted to give some rights and freedoms while Constitution was introduced. In this process of change, the Muslims of Russia had a chance to know each other through three Congresses they organized. They also and began to express themselves in political platform by organizing the party called the Union of the Muslims of All-Russia. In the beginning, most of their requests for freedom of expression and equality found positive responses. The legal discrimination against the Muslims were removed to a certain degree and the Muslims of Russia continued to seek their rights further as equal citizens of Russia. In their meetings they organized the party of Muslim Fraction and collectively they pursued religious, economic, cultural and political rights. However, their requests were not accepted by the Czarist government, except the problems related with the equality, religion and education. Especially, the problems of territory remained unsolved, and therefore, the Czarist government closed the First National Assembly with the excuse of going to referendum and then cancelled the Second National Assembly because of the Leftist revolutionary activities. A reactionary movement was set in and pro-government Rightists dominated over politics in the Third National Assembly. Although Muslims of Russia did not gain much to solve the territorial and migration issues, they succeeded to form a national identity and equal status with Russians and, to a limited degree, gained socio-political advantages through their activities took place between 1905 and 1907.

ÖzetAvrupa Birliği Konseyi, Aralık 1997'de Lüksemburg'da gerçekleştirdiği Zirvede, Türkiye'nin üyelik için adaylığını ilan etmemiştir. Aralık 1997 ile Aralık 1999 arası dönem Birlik ile Türk hükümeti arasındaki ilişkiler gerilmiş, Türk hükümeti, Lüksemburg Zirvesinin hemen ardından AB ile siyasi düzeyde ilişkileri kesmiştir. Birlik, ABD'nin telkinleri ve AB ülkelerinde iktidara gelen Sosyal Demokrat Partilerin, Hıristiyan Demokrat Partilere göre daha evrensel kavramlarla Birliğin geleceğini tanımlama kaygıları gibi etmenlerle, Türkiye hakkındaki kararını değiştirmiş, Aralık 1999'daki Helsinki Zirvesinde Türkiye'nin adaylığını ilan etmiştir.1963 Ankara Anlaşması ile başlayan, 1970'li yıllarda işçi ve işveren kuruluşlarının fikri sorulmadan imzalanan Katma Protokol Anlaşması ile ikinci aşamasına geçilen, Türkiye AET ortaklık ve yakınlaşma süreci, Özal hükümetinin 1987'de AB'ye tam üyelik başvurusu yapması ve 1995 yılında DYP-SHP koalisyon hükümetinin 1/95 sayılı Ortaklık Konseyi kararıyla gümrük birliğine gitmesi ile, 1970'li yılarda olduğu gibi yeniden siyasal gündemin ön sıralarına taşınmıştır. Aralık 1997'de AB Konseyinin Türkiye'yi aday ilan etmemesi üzerine, gümrük birliği ile yeni fırsatlar yakalamış olan ve AB'nin neo-korporatist yapısı sayesinde AB içerisindeki muadil kuruluşlara üye olmuş bulunan TÜSİAD, İKV gibi işveren örgütleri ve DİSK, Hak-İş gibi sendikalar konuyla daha fazla ilgilenmeye başlamış ve gerek Türk hükümeti gerekse AB üyesi ülkeler nezdinde girişimlerde bulunmuşlardır. Hükümetler ve bürokrasi Soğuk Savaş döneminde, toplumsal gurupların dışlanma eğiliminde olduğu dış politika süreçlerini, AB'nin neo-korporatist yapılanması ve Sivil Toplumun gösterdiği gelişimin de etkisiyle, bu yeni dönemde STK'lara açmıştır.Bu çalışmanın hipotezi, işveren ve işçi örgütlerinin 1970'li yıllardan başlayarak Türkiye'nin AB politikaları üzerinde etkili olmaya başladığı ve bu etkinliğin özellikle inceleme dönemi olan Aralık 1997-Aralık 1999 arasında ivme kazandığıdır. İnceleme dönemine dair yapılan daha çok birincil kaynaklara dayalı detaylı araştırma bu yönde doğrulayıcı bulgular üretmiştir. SummaryThe main purpose of this study is to understand the main dynamics of Turkish domestic politics regarding the EU in between EU Council's Luxembourg and Helsinki Summits by examining some selected governmental and non-governmental actors, excluding press and the public opinion and produce a first hand information about this period which is rarely examined as a whole.The EU-Turkey, relations has been a relationship under the control of executive elite and a small group of intellectuals. After the Additional Protocol was put into force in 1971, domestic economic actors have also been interested in the subject and involved in the policy process, regarding the EEC.Within the last decade of 20th century, one of the most important issues of Turkey-EU relations became the realization of customs union in 1995. The December 1997 Luxembourg European Council Summit, is another important diversion point in Turkey-EU relations. Mesut Yılmaz government reacted very strictly to the Council decision, which was not giving canditature status for Turkey, and as a response, decided not to negotiate the political issues with the EU institutions. After the Luxembourg Summit, Economic Development Foundation (İKV), Turkish Businessmen and Industrialists Association (TÜSİAD), Progressive Labor Unions Confederation (DİSK) and Hak-İş were heavily involved in the EU affairs. These non-governmental organizations, through their connections with the EU countries tried to create an impact on the EU governments to change their policies towards Turkey. These groups also tried to persuade the Turkish government to revive the relations and get closer to the EU. After all these intensive efforts, by the help of government changes in some EU countries and undeniable support of the USA president Bill Clinton, Turkey's candidature status has been regarded and announced by the EU Council in Helsinki.Turkey-EU relations transformed from an intergovernmental relationship to a complicated one in which non-governmental actors have been heavily involved. And this study, by its focus on the period 1997-1999, and by primarily examining first hand resources, produces supportive data which shows that the role of non-governmental actors on the foreign policy process of Turkey regarding the EU is, increasing.

Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan erästä Euroopan integraation vähemmän tutkittua ulottuvuutta: integraation vaikutuksia jälkikommunistisen yhteiskunnan kansalaisjärjestöihin. Liettualainen ympäristöjärjestösektori ja Ignalinan ydinvoimalan tapaus tarjoavat rajallisen, mutta samalla hyvin konkreettisen näkökulman kysymyksen tarkastelemiseksi. Tutkimus nojaa vuosina 2001-2003 kerätyn haastatteluaineiston laadulliseen analyysiin. Ignalinan ydinvoimalan tapauksen perusteella voidaan tulkita liettualaisten ympäristöjärjestöjen kohtaamia muutospaineita neuvostoajan lopulta aina Liettuan EU-jäsenyyteen saakka. Ignalinan ydinvoimalan ympärille keskittynyt liikehdintä oli yksi keskeisimmistä neuvostovallan vastaisen protestin välineistä 1980-luvun lopun Liettuassa. Ignalinan ydinvoimalasta muodostui tuolloin neuvostovallan poliittinen symboli; protestointi ydinvoimalaa vastaan oli samalla vastalause Moskovan sanelupolitiikalle ja vallitsevalle yhteiskunnalliselle järjestykselle. Ignalinan poliittinen symboliasema kuitenkin muuttui radikaalisti Liettuan itsenäisyysjulistuksen myötä: voimalasta muodostui niin taloudellisesti kuin poliittisestikin tärkeä kansallisen suvereniteetin osa. 1990-luvun lopulla ydinvoimalan poliittisen symboliaseman muutos sai yhä vahvemman ilmentymän EU:n esittäessä Ignalinan molempien reaktoreiden alasajoa ennen niiden lasketun käyttöiän umpeutumista. Eräät liettualaiset ympäristöjärjestöt toimivat aktiivisesti osana laajempia eurooppalaisia kansalaisjärjestöverkostoja vaatien itäisen Keski-Euroopan neuvostomallisten ydinvoimaloiden välitöntä sulkemista. Siten Ignalinan tapaus aiheuttaa monissa tapauksissa järjestöidentiteetin epävarmuutta: Yhtäältä ympäristöjärjestöidentiteetti vaatii kriittistä suhtautumista ydinvoimaan, erityisesti neuvostomallisiin RBMK-reaktoreihin. Toisaalta taas Ignalinan ydinvoimala koetaan Liettuan taloudellisen ja poliittisen omavaraisuuden takaajaksi. Ignalinan tapauksen ympärille rakentuva identiteettipoliittinen asetelma voidaan yksinkertaistaa tilanteeksi, jossa ympäristöjärjestöt hapuilevat kahden yhteensopimattoman toimintamallin välillä: järjestöt toivovat voivansa toteuttaa rooliaan ympäristöjärjestöinä, usein laajempien eurooppalaisten ympäristöjärjestöverkostojen mallin mukaisesti, mutta samalla kansallisen suvereniteettipolitiikan tuottamat mallit ovat vahvasti läsnä järjestöjen määrittäessä perusluonnettaan. Ignalinan tapauksen pohjalta tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan myös laajempia Euroopan integraatioon ja jälkikommunistiseen kansalaisjärjestötoimintaan liittyviä kehityskulkuja. Tutkimus tuo esiin, että Euroopan integraatio on luonut monitasoisen institutionaalisen järjestyksen, joka määrittää oman vaikutuspiirinsä säännöt. Euroopan integraatio on samalla ilmiö, joka toteutuu myös hyvin arkipäiväisissä asioissa ­ se on läsnä monissa mikrotason käytännöissä vaikuttaen siis myös ympäristöjärjestöjen toimintaan. Samalla voidaan havaita, että politiikan muodot ja tyylit eivät synny tyhjiössä tai pelkästään rationaalisten valintojen tuloksena; historia, sen tuottamat tulkinnat sekä rutiineihin perustuvat säännönmukaisuudet ovat läsnä poliittisessa elämässä, niin kansalaisjärjestötoiminnassa kuin muussakin yhteiskunnallisessa aktivismissa, samoin kuin hallinnollisissa käytännöissä. ; The colourful, sometimes even dramatic, history of Lithuanian environmental non-governmental organisations (NGOs) makes them an interesting subject of political science research. During the past fifteen years the role of the Lithuanian environmental movement has changed quite radically. The environmental movement had a central political role at the time of the Lithuanian independence activism in the late 1980s, but the movement later lost its mobilising potential and was marginalised by the beginning of the 1990s. Since then the environmental NGOs have been strongly affected by the process of European integration. Environmental NGOs have served both as agents and indicators of the institutional change taking place in Lithuania. The dynamics of this change can be analysed through the case of Ignalina ­ in the course of the past couple of decades the nuclear power plant of Ignalina in the north-east corner of Lithuania has been a reference point for a number of political discussions and processes. During the Lithuanian independence movement the nuclear power plant became a symbol of Soviet rule. As Ignalina was strongly associated with the hegemony of Moscow over Lithuania the plant occupied a central role in the fight towards national sovereignty. Independence activism took the form of environmental protests, especially in the early stages of the Lithuanian reform movement, and a large number of environmental organisations were established all over Lithuania. The political context provided an opportunity to address sensitive political questions through environmental activism. For instance, in September 1988 thousands of protesters formed a human chain ­ the ring of life ­ around the two units of Ignalina as a manifestation of Lithuanian national sovereignty and identity. The symbolic position of Ignalina changed radically after Lithuania s independence declaration in March 1990. As Moscow imposed an energy embargo on Lithuania it soon became clear that the country was dependent on its own sources of energy, of which the nuclear power plant of Ignalina was the most important one. Although Ignalina had only recently served as the symbol of Soviet oppression, the plant suddenly proved indispensable in the reconstruction of the nation and its material well-being. In 1995 the Lithuanian government tabled a EU membership application. Towards the end of the decade Ignalina was brought on the political agenda of the EU ­ it soon became evident to Lithuanians that the closure of the nuclear power plant would be considered a de facto prerequisite for EU membership. As a result, the question of Ignalina was highly politicised ­ the setting gave Ignalina a positions as the symbol of national sovereignty. There had been a radical shift in the political symbolism surrounding the plant. Meanwhile, the environmental NGOs faced a dilemma: Some of the environmental activists were closely linked to European anti-nuclear NGO networks and were strongly in favour of the decommissioning of Ignalina. However, many of the environmental NGOs also carried with them a long tradition of ethno-cultural thinking thus connecting the organisations closely to the notion of Lithuanian national sovereignty. Against this background it proved difficult for many organisations to define their role in view with the question of Ignalina ­ what would be appropriate political action? As a result, there remained a great deal of indecisiveness and confusion among the environmental NGOs as to the decommissioning plans of Ignalina, and more generally as to the role of the environmental organisations in the Lithuanian society. The case of Ignalina provides a framework within which it is possible to analyse certain dimensions of national sovereignty in an integrating, post-Cold War Europe. The integration of Central and Eastern Europe into the EU has produced a situation in which many of the expectations attached to national sovereignty are being challenged. The research also brings forward a topic that has received only limited attention in the past, namely the effects of European integration on non-governmental organisations in Central and Eastern Europe. By focusing on a specific sector of Lithuanian NGO activity it is possible to analyse the dynamics of europeanisation on a very concrete level. The case of Ignalina suggests that the activists of Lithuanian environmental NGOs are forced to ponder the raison d être of their organisations in the face of different, often conflicting institutional pressures. The expectations drawn from fresh national sovereignty are not always compatible with the models of action produced by the European integration process. The case evidences a conflict between post-Communist nation-building and the institutional limitations brought about by EU membership. Simply put, the idea of national sovereignty on the one hand and European integration on the other offer environmental NGOs distinctive, often conflicting, models of appropriate political action. The models of action created by the institutional framework of the EU are not easily compatible with the norms typical of a newly independent state. This identity political conflict is especially pronounced whenever national and European norms are placed in direct opposition with each other. However, it should be noted that the national and European levels of politics cannot be completely distinguished from each other. It is interesting to notice how models of action drawn from the EU system often form the very basis of national or local political action. Therefore it can be stated that the separation between European and national models of appropriate action is not always feasible. It is possible to approach most political questions, including the encounter of Lithuanian environmental NGOs and the EU, from an institutional perspective. The theoretical framework of the study is based on new institutionalism , and the notion of logic of appropriateness is central to the study ­ political institutions are analysed as collections of norms that define the rules of appropriate political action in different situations. In essence, politics is about appropriate action. The research seeks to explain the logic of appropriateness being followed by Lithuanian environmental NGOs. The research problem is approached through a set of questions: (1) How does the colourful history of the Lithuanian environmental movement affect the political characteristics of today s environmental NGOs? (2) What does the specific case of Ignalina tell us about the institutional contexts in which the Lithuanian environmental NGOs operate? (3) How to define the relationship between Lithuanian environmental NGOs and the politics of national sovereignty? (4) What is the relevance of the institutional framework of the EU to Lithuanian environmental NGOs? The study suggests that the rules of appropriateness change depending on the political context. At the same time, the conflicts produced by differing, overlapping institutional environments are reflected in the inner dynamics of political actors, resulting to indecisiveness and confusion. Since political action is first and foremost directed by the logic of appropriateness, the interpretations of political contexts are of central relevance. Therefore it is possible that a single object, such as a nuclear power plant, can be given a variety of interpretations in the realm of identity politics. The case of Ignalina evidences that symbolism and interpretation form the core of political life.